I first heard of this book, while reading Gunadasa Amarasekara's සිංහල කාව්ය සම්ප්රදාය. In it, Amarasekara refers to this book as one which sheds more light on the political mechansim during the ancient era, than any other. It was on hs recommendation that I sought this book out ( it is no longer in print - it had beeen printed in 1993 ). I managed to find a copy at one f the libraries I had acces to, and started reading it. Although just 141 pages in length it is packed with many an insight in to the political order and system, as well its change over time. I think it is one of the most important books, if not the most important which discusses the finer politics of the ancient era. It is sad that this is no longer in print. If anyone here knows someone who is related to the author P.B. Rambukwelle, please do reach out to him/her to see if the student of political history of Sri Lanka can earnestly request for a reprint of this valuable book.A Summary of the Book, for later reference;
In the long introduction, the author begins by stating that this is but a commentary and the reader is already familiar with the narrative history of the island. He even goes to the extent of recommending the Nicholas/Paranavitana volume, "A Concise History of Ceylon". Not equipped with that book, I settled for the three hard covered volumes of the Mahavamsa/Culavamsa, translated by Geiger, along with a host of other works from K.M. de Siva, Indrakeerthi Siriweera, Amaradasa Liyanagamage and Vijayasiri Wettimuny, for references.
At inception itself Rambukwelle, divides our hirearchy of kings into five categories. They are:
1. Vijaya to Mahasena, in which the dominant attribute of kingship was gamani, which is described as a populist and consensual character emerging out of ancient gamas.
2. From Mahasena to Mahanama, when the Bodhisatva ideal was infused into kingship
3. From Mahanama to Manavamma, when military force was the true sanction behind kingship, and designated as senasammata.
4.From Manavamma to Mahinda V - The sena or the warrior period of kingship. During this period the expansionist agendas of the Pallavas, Cholas and Srivijayans necessitated the the warrior stance for survival.
5. From Chola-mandalam to Parakramabahu I - Emergence of Chakravarti. The vainglorious emperor like postures of the Cholas etc was what Parakramabahu I inherited,
Rambukwelle almost finds faults with Parakramabahu I, for his emperor like thinking which resulted in him exerting his energies against the village democracies of Ruhuna. After his fall, Ruhuna wasn't able to muster the traditional resistance that had saved the Sinhala kingship, many times before. This despite, Parakramabahu I ruled 33 years in vigour, clipping what the kings of Anuradhapura did over a span of 15 centuries.
The author being a legal expert, besides his interest in history states that the Sinhala nation came into being de jure with the enthronement of Vijaya, if one is to judge from the juristic norm today. The sovereignty was by convention lost in 1815, although he sees the Colebrook-Cameron reforms as the actual throttler of ancient sovereignty. All these comparisons, categorizations and opinions were presented even before we reached the end of the fifth page. Further the use of the term thun-Sinhale to refer to the Island, which he used to impress upon the reader, "a keener sense of historical milieu."
The author then felt that juxtapositioning of English history in an exercise of comparison and contrast against ours, for a "keener sense of objectivity" regarding the two histories.
The summary of these comparisons is as follows:
First Celtic settlers penetrated deep into the unknown territory later called England around the time the first Aryan migrations happened to Sri Lanka. The Celtic migrations spread over five centuries.
The Roman conquests lasted about 100 years, first under Julius Ceaser, and finally succesful under Aulus Plautius. By this time the Sinhala nation had lasted for nearly six centuries, under 29 kings and 2 queens, and Buddhism was firmly entrenched as the national religion.
( Aside, I write this comparison just for my personal notes, for later
reference if need be, since this book is out of print. I think the
author was genuinely an admirer of ancient glory, and he couldn't quell
bursts of national pride from seeping into this book. The back cover
speaks of a "long and personal association" with Tennakoon Vimalananda,
and a fellow reader friend of mine says that Amarasekara always
discounted Vimalananda as a historian for not keeping away the emotional
side from seeping in to his work. Incidentally, it was Amarasekara's
සිංහල සාහිත්ය සංග්රහය which introduced me into this work by
Rambukwelle. And I trudge on at this point, that the book will live up
to the plaudits that Amarasekara bestowed on this book, despite this
current phase of irrelevant comparison.)
After 400 comfortable years under the Romans, during which the Latin ways influenced the natives in small measure, the Teutonic barbarism, left the natives to their own devices as the Romans had more of the self same menace to tackle. The Jutes was brought in to fight the invasion followed by the Angle and the Saxons. By the 6th c, AC, there were 7 Saxon kingdoms fighting with each other, with an occasional overlordship claim over the seven kingdoms. The Roman withdrawal in 410 AC was during the rule of our 57th king, Mahanama. Rambukwelle, uses this comparison to show that Sri Lanka then was far ahead of Britain, with it's record height Stupas and marvels of irrigation works. However by the seventh century, an Anglo Saxon State was imminent, with Alfred the Great rising to supremacy in Wessex. Yet it was not be as Vikings or Norsemen attacked with such ferocity. For instance in AC 793, Lindisfarne, monks were slaughtered, treasures were robbed and this continued for years and years. The Viking threat affected whole of Europe. After the organised plunder, conquest and settlement was a logical turn of events, as the Viking turned landowner, once the Saxon was killed. The generic Viking is now identified as Danes, and Anglo Saxons were fighting defiantly. Yet, Vikings got the upper hand as Alfred was defeated at the battle by 878 AC. Yet Alfred fought on, followed by his grand son, Athelson, whose victory in 937 AC, against the Danes of Northumbria, became the nearest the Anglo-Saxons reached towards, achieving a national state. It is interesting to note that the Britons and Celts of Strathclyde , Scotland and Ireland were in league with the Danes, as it shows how much hate their still was against the Anglo-Saxon foreigner, by the older Britannic races. However by 1016, England was reduced to a province of the Danish empire as the Danish king Sweyn, in person came over to see the Saxon downfall. It is significant that only the Anglo-Saxon areas came under Danish rule as the areas under the earlier Celtic people appeared to have had a favourable liaison with the Vikings.
The Danish phase came to an end, under the Norman conquest of 1066 AC. The period of six centuries between AC 410 and AC 1066, spanned across sixty-five Sinhala kings, saw three invasions via the seven dravidians ( Kalabhra ), The Cholas and a fleeting Pandyan expedition in between.
Rambukwelle (PBR) compares the Jute mercenaries to the the use of mercenaries by warring conenders, in the two centuries between Mahanama and Manawamma, while crediting the latter for ridding the mercenary problem. Rambukwelle argues that the with Manawamma, the kingship was elevated to a new majestic status, leaving the village democracies to mind itself and their hydraulic systems, while the Sangha found their role somewhat reduced in matters of advisers to the king, although Royal patronage was strengthened. He further mentions that with the Dakshinapatha dominated by the Pallawas, with Manawamma coming over from there, he brought an element of awareness of a larger world. The Author compares this to the Iberian exposure that Europe faced at the time, which laid the foundation for Mercantilism.
The author highlights that nationhood in the modern sense was still far for Britain, as Duke of Hastings was crowned King William I, after the battle of Hastings, because his true loyal liege was the King of France. PBR claims that the major reason for the hierarchically descending land tenurial system was this Norman conquest. He contrasts this with "a sharer of the sixth", or shadbhagin system that we had. The British who applied feudal equations assuming that "all land belongs to the Crown", which led to the Waste Land Ordinance, committed a big crime against the natives. PBR argues.
Under the Normans, it was an argumentative point as to, at which point they ceased to be foreign conquerors and at which point it transformed to an English dynasty. It was around this time that the Kalinga Magha usurpation happened in Lanka around the time King John's sudden death occurred - a time that could be thought of as which marks the end of the first phase of Norman rule. With the 100 years' war, which started at the time of Edward III, England regained some foreign possessions, and these roused a sense of pride in the English identity. Yet Henry V, couldn't become the heir to France as was expected due to events which resulted from the burning at stake of Jeanne d'Arc, England at last was ready for Nationhood at the time of the last of the Tudors.
PBR summarises the path the Church has taken over the years - from the days of the Pax Romana, the collapse of which under Barbarian attacks, made the Europe look for solace in the church. But later the Church itself succumbed to worldly power, often coming a winner against any confrontation - be it a baron, or a sovereign which was challenging it. However the European merchant's emergence has made the church less important in the modern era. He then spends time elaborating.( page 18-24 )
- Christianity came to England in the time of Pax Romana, but wasn't Roman.
- Almost wiped out due to Saxon vitality
- Augustine and 40 monks came over during the time of Ethelbert, the Saxon king of Kent. Chrisitianization of Kent, was followed with Northumbria, through marriage.
- Some Pagan vs. Christian war fare took place due to the King of Mercia's partiality of Thor and Woden.
- After the defeat of Penda at the hands of Oswy, Christianised Northumbira assumed hegemony over the other kingdoms. Yet brutal war went unabated under a common creed, and soon had Ethelbald asserted his power and he ruled for 40 years. His dominions included Kent, Essex and Mercia.
- The fiction between the monarch and the cleric was long drawn and the killing of Thomas Becket, archbishop of Canterbury in 1170, was a show case of how sour the Church-State relations could be. Yet, it served the church well, for, for three centuries the ecclesiastical courts dispensed their justice independent of Royal authority. Becket's popularity may have been due to all the conquered races, Britons, Angles, Saxons and Vikings having a common cause against the Norman overloads. The church being the biggest land owner having the largest man power due to the feudal system may have contributed too.
- The level of the power of the church is demonstrated by the fact that, Richard the Lion Heart ( son of Henry II ), who was successful in the crusades, capturing Akka, left a trail of glory resounding in the annals of Christendom.
- The power of the Church reached its highest during the term of King John. Relations falling apart over the the king's nominee not receiving favour for the position of papacy of Canterbury, John seized church property as clerics fled the country. With Philip II, king of France about invade England, John surrendered to the Pope, accepting vassalage, submitting England to papal fiefdom. Two years later he signed the Magna Carta, under duress from Baronial intimidation, which consolidated feudalism for three centuries to come. Not until the war of Roses did the barons exhausted themselves out.
Coming back to Sri Lanka, the author points out that the Polonnaruwa kings to revive higher ordination ( King Vijayabahu I's time ), paid so much patronage to clergy that they became corrupt and indolent. Parakramabahu had to intervene to reform and carry out an expulsion of unsavoury elements.
Chapter 1: The author mentions that in the history of our country the tripod of the monarchy, the sangha and the gamas ( village democracies ) balanced the system. Although at one time, one or the other gained strength, in the long run this tripod of power ensured. The institutionalizing of the religion, through the establishment of Mahavihara did give the sangha certain powers in the affairs of the state - two such instances are shown - the war against the usurper Elara, and attempting to plant their own nominee as a successor to Sadhdhatissa, which was thwarted. Yet as a whole this tripod structure ensured against excesses. The Buddhist religion gave sovereignty its first principle that of mahasammata. This concept is of Sakya origin and they were some of the first to experiment with republican ideals, along with the Bhargas of Sumsumara, the Mauryas of Pipphalivana, the Lichchavis of Vaisali. They had no monarchs, but was governed by an assembly of grhapatis, called the ganas. Some time is spent on the roots of pre-Aryan races as well as the Veddhas, for which PBR obviously had to look to the mythical stories connected to Buddha's visit. He recognizes the central important act of Pandukabhaya, which assisted the blossoming of a civilization, as stated in the Mahavamsa - "ten years after his consecration did Pandukabhaya the ruler of Lanka established the village boundaries over the whole of the island of Lanka."
Chapter 2: Compares and contrasts against the panchayat system in the sub-continent. While the caste system in Lanka was a functional one, based on religion, in Lanka it was not hierarchical. Govikula assumed a higher status over time due to its numeral vastness, and its importance. In contrast in the sub continent the brahmin, kshatriya and vaishya were minorities, against the majority untouchables. Economically village democracies functioned as man power units, and it was available for national undertakings, which account for the stupendous construction programmes. Assuming out of a non-monetary society they couldn't be enticed with wages. Its strength lay in its voluntary nature. PBR stresses that the Sinhala self-help system is a more advanced version than what anthropologists have credited with most tribal societies. He stresses that there cannot be any other explanation but the skill of reservoir building was something pre-Aryan, which the aryans immigrants made use of, given their knowledge in agriculture and their gana political tradition. He goes on to say that it was this collective effort, which when initiated by Buddhist monks when the young nation was under threat, formed its army as well its first national hero in Dutugemunu.
Chapter 3, starts with an important point which sounds logical. In its early days, Lanka's king was no more than a gamani of gamanis, and idea of royalty was alien to the Sinhala monarchy. Emperor Asoka attempted to cure this "defect" by a second consecration, with the paraphernalia. Yet that too didn't catch on, as did later the later epithet, sangabodhi. He argues further that, the role of Upasampada and pabbajja was of a similar importance. He says that Buddhism would've been prevalent before the arrival of Arhat Mahinda, for otherwise the sangha may not have been able to rally the people against Sena and Guttika, just 22 years after the nibbana of the thero. Further the building of many Buddhist edifices just after the war with Elara too suggest a longer duration of the faith. The main counter-argument against this is that there is no explicit mention of Buddhism of Pandukabhaya's time, although there is mention of ascetics and mendicant monks, in the Mahavamsa. Maybe the author of Mahavamsa didn't see the necessity of giving prominence to the state of pre-Mahinda era Buddhism.
Chapter 4, starts with an analysis on how the dominant role qualifying kingship, shifted from village democracies to the Sangha, along with the establishment of the Maha Vihara. PBR points how the theocratic potentiality was exploited by the Sangha at the time of Sadhdhatissa, which led to Vatta Gamani Abhaya having a challenge to oust the Pas-Dravida occupation, with him having discontent with the Maha Vihara. Upon reconciliation, Valagambha took the most pragmatic measure by counter balancing with the Abhayagiri establishment. The next struggle was at the time of Mahasen, who came from a lineage that espoused Vaitulyavada. The king, as a Bodhisatva circled above any monk or layman, and this contravened with the established mahasammata consensus. After damaging the Lova-mahapaya and the Mihintale complex, a national calamity was avoided by the Mahasen's own minister, Megavanna Abhaya. On the side of Mahasen was Sanghamitta, Sona and the Vaitulyavadi heresy. A touching description of what may have taken place between Mahasen and his minister, is a telling attribute of the insight that this book carries.Given the scale of the hydraulic projects that Mahasen had scaled, the labour of the voluntary village democracies was felt insufficient, and the establishment of janapadas was thought to be the way forward. The Mahavihara may have played the trump card of a threat to Theravada with this new system - somehow these incidents suggest its modern sequels to a reader's mind.
Chapter 5: While the author of the Mahavamsa, didn't fail to mention both the merit and the guilt that Mahasen accumulated over his time, PBR notes two powerful determinants that had effect on the county. The first was janapadas, in contradistinction to village democracies. The former being larger in physical extent and population and hence relevant to water management. The second is the position of gahapati being taken a host of officials, with the tax collector being an important one. As efficiency is key, the self-help nexus disappear as emphasis shift to individual possession. PBR notes socio-economic transformation, such as the introduction of pirivenas which focused on Sanskrit over Pali, as doors were opened to new vistas of knowledge. The period of 130 years after Mahasena was a tranquil one, with five kings reigning that period.Mahasen's son had the good fortune of receiving the sacred Tooth relic from Dantapura (Puri), which soon led to an annual festival as well as a condition for authentic kingship. However, Mahasen's aim of keeping the sangha manageably distanced while retaining the Buddhist identity continued with Sacred tooth relic being elevated to the position held by the Sri Maha Bodhi. From the point of view of Mahavamsa and Mahaivhara, the fore-mentioned separating was evil, as Mahasen infused the kingship with the sanghabodhi mystic.It is even more symbolic because it was during the time of hie son's rule that the custody and possession of the tooth relic was first identified as a mark of sovereignty over the island.
Chapter 6:The chapter starts with a discussion on the role of the army in a state.The role of the involvement of an Army is a moot point, with the total absence of one only an utopian dream. With respect to Lanka, the author stresses that from the initial gamani society, the theorotical base for mahasammata, to the succeeding sanghabodhi ensured that the army played a major role towards kingship. Senapati Migara is coted as an example of making and unmaking kings. The attribute of sena (warrior), was acquired by kings in a transitional phase. The Sad Dravida invasion took place within this transitional period. Rambukewelle identifies a total of 68 years, within a total of 148 years, between BC 247-77, which were occupations resulting from invasions.
Rambukwelle spends time to discuss the term Dravida. He discusses it because the Cholas nad Pandyas cannot be synchronised with the dates in discussion in the Mahavamsa. The Dravida attacks predate, the author states. It'll be interesting to reread Sastri's "A History of South India" in this context. To quote the author,
PBR then ponders from where the mercenary forces were from ? He thinks it was from Pallava country, and the Pallava kings were killing two birds by assisting Manawamma - repaying a good servant as well as mitigating future threats.
Chapter 7: PBR states that with Manavamma came the fourth state of Sinhala monarchy - from senasammata to sena - no longer was the king the head of the army by consent, but he himself was essence of power. His experience in front line battle for the two warrior Pallava kings, Narasinhavarman I & II, fighting the Chalukyas in the north and the Pandyans in the south , brought an uncompromising regal dignity. Nilakanta Sastri's seminal work, "A History of South India", reports thus of Manavamma's efforts:
The Pallava connection saw that Lanka was more involved in regional politics. Pandyan king, Sri Mara srivallabha took possesion of the country when he invaded with the king, Sena I taking flight. However Sena's responses to the Pandu king pleased him, and he vacated the capital, handing over the country to his messengers. Incidentally this is the only reported instance of a ruling foreign monarch leading an invasion. Ironically Sri Mara Srivallabha succumbed to injuries fighting the Sinhala forces in Madhura ( capital of Pandya country ). The Sinhala general placed Sena II's nominee Varagunavarman II on the throne before departing.
The reference in Sastri is as follows:
What a study of their historical sources tell us of the Pandyans and Cholas, is the area being focused on this chapter 8. He starts by focusing on the Pandyans. Although contemporaries of the Pallavas, they were insignificant till about the 8th century, until archeological evidences, usually in the form of lithic recordings of grandiose prasasti surface begin to appear in the time of Maravarman Rajasinha I ( AC 730-765 ). It is possible that the Pandyans acquired their lithic skills from the Pallavas. Inquiries has been made to the area of philology to glean and remedy the lacuna which prevents a continuous and consistent history. Historians have had to resort to a body of about 30000 lines of verse has been carefully schematised into two anthologies - titled as Ettuttogai and Pattupattu. These, supported by Tholkappiyam ( a work in grammar ) has been assiduously gleaned to build a historical period called the Sangam age. The lenience afforded by this method had given room for conflicting speculation, inferences, comment, interpretation and theories, which has even undermined the careful labour of serious scholars. A residue of disjointed references, one of which is the mahavamsa, is treated as the factual remains, from which a history of this period is to be constructed.The earliest reference is that Vijaya sent an entourage to the king of Pandu in Mathura to win over his daughter. However given that the Sinhalese wasn't outnumbered by the entourage from Mathura infers that they were from the same stock as Vijaya was - and Vijaya was from Kalinga. PBR ventures to say that in those formative days, that the name Mathura may have originated from the name given to a newly established colony. This is a premise that needs further study, quite definitely. However PBR sees the Sinhala migrations as an overflow from the pockets of settlements in the subcontinent, and the location, one that was well suited for pearl fisheries has its significance in its choice as the first capital. In such light PBK infers doubts whether Pandya was a Tamil country back then. His argument is that most regions of the newly constructed India ( by the British ), have undergone considerable metamorphosis, and the Pandu Rata of Vijayan antiquity and that of Pandyan country of the 8th and 9th centuries are not the same, in the sense of an ethnic stock. PBR goes on to say that although historically the lineage of this latter day Pandyas can be traced to the 6th century. Yet, at the time it was the Pallavas who who were the stronger force, and if not for the Chalukyas of Vatapi ( Badami), the Pandyans mayn't have had an opportunity to grow into what they did. The continued in fighting between the Pandyans and the Pallavas ( with Lankan kings entering the foray as a stated earlier ), led to a chance circumstance which enabled the Cholas to benefit. The role of Sinhala kings wasn't finished yet. Later on in the early 10th century, the Pandyan king Rajasimha II, sought assistance from Kassapa V when the Cholas over-ran the Pandyan country. But Parantaka I defeated the joint forces, with his assuming the title Maduraiyum Ilamum Konda ( conqueror of Madura and Sinhale ) - it is interesting to note that Ilamum is translated as Sinhale. The Pandyan-Sinhale joint effort against the Cholas hadn't seen the last - Pandya king sought refuge in Lanka during the time of Dappula IV. Although he soon left to Kerala, leaving his diadem and other valuables behind, it invited Parantaka to invade during the time of Udaya IV. The mission was unsuccesful, more so because a well times Rashtrkuta invasion of Chola, allowed breathing space for the Pandyans to regain their country with Sinhalese help. The Cholas tried another invasion during the time of Mahinda IV, but the invading army was annihilated. ( Chapter 9 mentions an inscription of the king at Wessagiriya, citing the defeating of the enemy). With ups and downs the Cholas and Pandyas managed to sustain their territories until the attack of Malik Kafur in 1341 AC, which wiped them off the political map. However it is the Pallavas and the Kalabhras who fill the anterior centuries until the Sangam age.
The Sangam age suffers from the lack of dates and times. However from the reference to Gajabahu of Ilam gracing the newly built in Vanji ( the Chera capital ), Senguttuvan is found to be a contemporary of the Sinhala king.This is based on a reference in the Silapidikaram. The regnal years of Gajabahu was 108-130 AC.
Chapter 9: This chapter is dedicated to a brief survey of the conquest, rule and expulsion of Sinhale.
Cholas were favoured feudatories under the Pallavas. They captured an opportune moment, after siding with the Pallavas against the Pandyans, to kill their overlad, Aparajita, overran the Pallava kingdom and captured part fo the Pandyan Kingdom, and reducing the Gangas to subjection. It was Aditya (871-907 AC ), who was instrumental in thus initiating a Chola foothold, in an enviorment where the Pallavas were dominant, and the Pandyans too, a force to reckon with. The Cholas held parts of Lanka ( Rajarata ) during the reign of Rajendra I, along with Andhra, Karnataka - while holding sway over Pandya and Chera. The Chola reign reminds one of the days of the Mauryas, Guptas and the Delhi Sultanate. PBR points out that it is on their naval power that the Cholas befit their imperial status. The apprenticeship would've come during the time of their vassalage to the Pallavas, no doubt.
Chapter 10:This chapter discusses the time when Sinhale became Cholamandalam ( Cholas claimed the whole of Ilam - although the Mahavamsa says that the Cholas held sway over Rajarata as far as Rakkhapasanakantha ). Sena V, son of Mahinda IV succeeded his father when he was just 12. By avenging Mahamalla ( senapati Sena's brother) over a clandestine relationship with his mother, he found the senapati turned a rebel. Sena had previously saved the nation twice. He set the Damilas on Sena V, with the king fleeing to Ruhuna. The Royal mother stayed behind and the capital was plundered by the Damilas, as Sena sent his forces to fight the king. The king's brother Mahinda V, succeeded him, but yet the plunder from the Kerala merceneries in the capital, and chaos in other areas due to Keralas, Kannatas and the Sinhalese as they caried on the government as they pleased. The Cholas invaded in this ideal setting for them. Mahinda V died in AC 1029, in captivity.
Then came a troubled era for the Sinhalese as no successor lived long enough to organize troops to free the nation from the Cholas, The Cholas held the country for 77 years. Mahinda's son Kassapa, who was assumed as king under the name of Vikkamabahu, died through illness in 1034. Then followed a series of failed attempts as kingship, with non surviving long enough to make an impact. A scion of Manavamma, Kitti was consecrated as Vijayabahu in 1051 AC and he spent 19 of his 55 years as king in Ruhuna.
Chapter 11, goes back to the time of Kings Elara and Dutugemunu. He casts doubt on the term "damila" from the Chola country, as used in the Mahavamsa. Yet there is no reference to an Elara in Damila literature. He stresses that further scrutiny is necessary of the assummed synonimity of Chola with Damila, just as Pandurata wasn't necessarily Damila country of Vijayan times. This doubt is further strengthned by the fact that there were five centuries of no threat from the era of Valagamba to Dhatusena.
Chapter 12: starts off where chapter 11 finishes off, dedicating the chapter to the era of Vijayabahu's efforts to expel the Cholas from the land. Rambukwelle notes that this liberation effort was largest of tis kind, in contrast to previous ones, given that the Cholas were on a high back in the mainland. He uses the term "super-king" to identify the effort that was exerted. He also studies why even after 77 years, the cholas weren't able to convert it to a civilan administration. The next chapter, questions the reasons why Vijayabahu didn't go back to Anuradhapura and as to why compared to the 1649 year span Polonnaruwa last only 162 years. With the threat of possible chola attacks, it appears that Vijayabahu had to be strategically prudent to bide his time at Polonnaruwa. PBR, also highlights that unlike with the previous instances, the sangha too was conspicious by their absence in the movement for liberation. More than the suffering that the order had suffered in the hands of the cholas, the sangha had ceased to be a political force afte three centuries under the sena kings. He comes back to the times beginning with Manavama, and how "the curtain of isolation" had been lifted and it was exposed to the cross-currents of forces of the neighbourhood. Vijayabahu had to harvest the resentment of all the anti-chola forces in the neighbourhood, in his war of independence. Chapter 14 too continues in the same vein, especially the interncine warfare between Vikkamabahu, and Vijabahu's sister's three sons ( to a Pandyan prince), Manabharana, Kittisirimegha and Sirivallabha. These battles saw the order fleeing to the south with the relics of the Sacred Tooth and the alms-bowl, and most people of honour fleeing Polonnaruwa, no longer able to withstand the insecurity, and plunder. However, Parakramabahu I, who in a few years time became one of the greatest of kings in Sinhale, was the son of Manabharana.
Chapter 15 is dedicated to the path that Parakramabahu I followed, to this throne. Parakramabahu grew up with paternal uncle Kittisirimegha, upon his father, Manabharana's death. PBR first explains how he reached Polonnaruwa during the reign of Gajabahu II, much to the chagrin of his uncle. PBR sees Gajabahu as the more astute leader, in the early career of Parakramabahu, as the former managed to curtail the ambitions of the former. However upon the death of Kittisirimegha, he became the ruler of Dakkhinadesa. His vision and pragmatism was demonstrated during this tenure. As a three-cornered battle was fast becoming inevitable, Parakramabahu geared up for war, with irrigation and agriculture serving as a base. PBR calls his secret weapon, being the monetary system that he adopted. A special mentioning is made of the attitude of the Malayarata, who although not faithful to their leader, Gajabahu, had a sense of ideological independence, which was an obstruction to Parakramabahu. Next he managed to win the Pearl banks from Gajabahu's control. There was extended battles between Gajabahu, Manabharana Jr. ( the sone of Sirivallabha ) and Parakramabahu. Even after the death of Gajabahu, Manabharana still attempted his best to capture Polonnaruwa. After the defeat of Manabharana, the battle continued for Ruhuna between Sugala ( his mother ) and Parakramabahu. PBR makes special menition of how each of the leaders had resouces to depend on, to fight proplonged battles. Although Manabharana's son, Kittisirimegha Jr. sided with Parakramabahu, the queen-mother Sugala organized her people and was determined not to yield the Ruhuna to Parakramabahu.
This leads us to the event over which PBR finds fault with Parakrmabahu. His response to Ruhuna's rebuff was a "Conquest of Ruhuna", resulting in a savagery, that resulted in the non-emergence of the customary fight back, at the next invasion - that of Kalingha Magha, in about three deades time. It initially began in his attempt to win over the Sacred tooth relic and the Sacred Alms bowl. The second stage was teh capture of queen Sugala, since it was proclaimed that she "is the cause of these people becming rebels abd has led them into our power." Next he had to stamp out revolt, of which the Mahavamsa boasts, "made the enemy as fuel of his majesty, he shortly freed the whole province from the briers." Given that it was a revolt, which involved "all the inhabitants of the provice", the scale and the subsequent loss could be imagined. PBR then queries as to why Ruhuna had such a hostility towards Parakramabahu ? PBR, conjectures that "a fundamental change of social structure was in the melting pot" as the warfare between the ruler and the ruled continued over a long period of time. He thinks that the balance between monarch, sangha and gamas was being disturbed. The militarism of Vijayabahu, had very little to do with the gamas and the sangha, and their historical importance had declined. The author connects it to the irrigation miracles which too he terms, "a booster resource from outside". The agricultural enterprise too became dependent and unable to stand on its own. "This outside source was trade." This had begun at the time of Manavamma, and the dependence of a tax collection based on agricultural produce was fast declining. The increase of issuance of coinage during the times of Vijabahu I onwards bears tesimony to the dependence on trade. Silk was a favourite export, and the practice of katina pinkamas practiced to date as cottage industry in Myanmar bears testimony, PBR says. Probably it is this trade, which made the run sustain itself not withstanding the incessant internal strife.
Chapter 17, focuses more on the "Conquest of the Rohana", especially with regards to the limited independence that the gahapatis of Ruhuna. Parakramabahu's main concern was that the merchant class residents came under his control.
Chapter 18 focuses on Parakramabahu's energetic effort in resoring Buddhism to its Anuradhapura prestinity. Gal Viharaya or Uttararama taken by itself is a master work at sculpture. It was not restircted to Polonnaruwa as many religious buildings were constructed in Dakkhinadesa and Mayarata. His declaration was that, his unification of the country was to reestablish the Buddha, Dhamma and Sangha. After upasampada was restored Ramanna during Vijayabahu's time, the sangha had withdrawn to obscurity. During Parakramabahu's era, he tried tried to clean the sasana from flase doctrine and uncrupolous bhikkus. Ganinnanse's it appears were common by that time, and it clarifies why the king offered lucrative positions to the undisciplined elements.
On chapter 19, we are shown the chakravarti like aspirations of Parakramabahu. He cites the punitive expedition of Ramanna or Lower Burma, as recorded in the Mahavamsa with some insight on the strength of his naval and merchant marine strength. But the more popular of Parakramabahu's adventures was when he visited Madhura on the request of Parakramapandu, although the latter had been killed by the time the former's military commander, Lankapura reached Pandya country. After repeated defeats at the hands of Sinhala forces, Kulasekara finally triumphed, "and thus averted the conversion of the Pandyan country into a province of Ilam (Sinhale)", as told in Neelakanta Sastri's book. The battles between Cholas and the Pandyans continued until the Pandyan empire fell on to the hands of Malik Kafur, but not before the doom of the Chola kingdom at the hands of the Pandyans. The role that Sinhala nation played is tacit in the admission of the title Maduraiyum-Ilamum konda, vaunted by the Chola kings, leaving no doubt that the imperialist clash was between the Cholas and the Sinhalese, although being played on Pandyan grounds. Yet ultimately able kings like Jatavarmna Sundara Pandya and Maravarman Kulasekara, made the Pandya nation proud, by absorbing the Chola kingdom into their dominion.
Chapter 20 starts to discuss the anarchic confusion of 27 years and 14 leaders after Parakramabahu, until the invasion of Kalingha Magha. Special mention is made of Nissankamalla, who ridiculed the govikula as "crows and jackas trying to imitate swans and lions", who had come down from Kalinga country to assume the kingship. He clearly stated that he was of the Okkaka Kalinga Chakravarti descent which gave the Sinhala race its first king. But as a king his feats could be compared with that of Parakrmabahu, despite the former's short reign of nine years. Similar to Parakramabahu, Nissankamalla too had been involved in the fighting between the Cholas and the Pandyas. There is even an inscription in Rameswaran, in Sinhala caliming to have exacted trbute from defeated kings. a devale named Nissankesvara and alms houses hint at the nature of power he has had, however transitory.
This was around the time, where the Chola kingdom became a tributory of the Pandtan country. Succesful attempts to restore freedom for them resulted in the Chola country being absorbed as a province of the Pandyan kingdom during the time of Maravarman Kulasekara ( 1268-1310 AC ). Round about the time the muslim avalanche desended upon the Northen parts of India, with the Southern parts too getting affected, Kalngha Magha came down and caused great havoc like the Mara. Mahavamsa's long desription is captured in the book.
The final chapter, 22, gives us a glimpse of how local Senapatis organized to win back the coutnry from the foerign invador. Subha from Yapahuwa, Buvanekabahu from Govindamala, Sankha from the district of Minipe on the mountain of Gangadoni - all towns created in inaccessible forests and mountain tops - protected the resepctive provinces, the people and the order. A prince by the name of Vijayabahu, united these vanniralas and assumed the kingship as Vijayabahu III. However it was his successor Parakramabahu II, who drove out the Magha from Polonnaruwa after 19 years. An interesting point that PBR raises is who actually was Kalingha Magha ? What is the false faith that he employed forced proselytisation for ? Brahmanical worship, Mahayanism or Tantiric esoterism cannot explain this proselytisation nor the book burning fervour. And PBR, concludes the book, citing that this is still an open question.
The author highlights that nationhood in the modern sense was still far for Britain, as Duke of Hastings was crowned King William I, after the battle of Hastings, because his true loyal liege was the King of France. PBR claims that the major reason for the hierarchically descending land tenurial system was this Norman conquest. He contrasts this with "a sharer of the sixth", or shadbhagin system that we had. The British who applied feudal equations assuming that "all land belongs to the Crown", which led to the Waste Land Ordinance, committed a big crime against the natives. PBR argues.
Under the Normans, it was an argumentative point as to, at which point they ceased to be foreign conquerors and at which point it transformed to an English dynasty. It was around this time that the Kalinga Magha usurpation happened in Lanka around the time King John's sudden death occurred - a time that could be thought of as which marks the end of the first phase of Norman rule. With the 100 years' war, which started at the time of Edward III, England regained some foreign possessions, and these roused a sense of pride in the English identity. Yet Henry V, couldn't become the heir to France as was expected due to events which resulted from the burning at stake of Jeanne d'Arc, England at last was ready for Nationhood at the time of the last of the Tudors.
PBR summarises the path the Church has taken over the years - from the days of the Pax Romana, the collapse of which under Barbarian attacks, made the Europe look for solace in the church. But later the Church itself succumbed to worldly power, often coming a winner against any confrontation - be it a baron, or a sovereign which was challenging it. However the European merchant's emergence has made the church less important in the modern era. He then spends time elaborating.( page 18-24 )
- Christianity came to England in the time of Pax Romana, but wasn't Roman.
- Almost wiped out due to Saxon vitality
- Augustine and 40 monks came over during the time of Ethelbert, the Saxon king of Kent. Chrisitianization of Kent, was followed with Northumbria, through marriage.
- Some Pagan vs. Christian war fare took place due to the King of Mercia's partiality of Thor and Woden.
- After the defeat of Penda at the hands of Oswy, Christianised Northumbira assumed hegemony over the other kingdoms. Yet brutal war went unabated under a common creed, and soon had Ethelbald asserted his power and he ruled for 40 years. His dominions included Kent, Essex and Mercia.
- The fiction between the monarch and the cleric was long drawn and the killing of Thomas Becket, archbishop of Canterbury in 1170, was a show case of how sour the Church-State relations could be. Yet, it served the church well, for, for three centuries the ecclesiastical courts dispensed their justice independent of Royal authority. Becket's popularity may have been due to all the conquered races, Britons, Angles, Saxons and Vikings having a common cause against the Norman overloads. The church being the biggest land owner having the largest man power due to the feudal system may have contributed too.
- The level of the power of the church is demonstrated by the fact that, Richard the Lion Heart ( son of Henry II ), who was successful in the crusades, capturing Akka, left a trail of glory resounding in the annals of Christendom.
- The power of the Church reached its highest during the term of King John. Relations falling apart over the the king's nominee not receiving favour for the position of papacy of Canterbury, John seized church property as clerics fled the country. With Philip II, king of France about invade England, John surrendered to the Pope, accepting vassalage, submitting England to papal fiefdom. Two years later he signed the Magna Carta, under duress from Baronial intimidation, which consolidated feudalism for three centuries to come. Not until the war of Roses did the barons exhausted themselves out.
Coming back to Sri Lanka, the author points out that the Polonnaruwa kings to revive higher ordination ( King Vijayabahu I's time ), paid so much patronage to clergy that they became corrupt and indolent. Parakramabahu had to intervene to reform and carry out an expulsion of unsavoury elements.
Chapter 1: The author mentions that in the history of our country the tripod of the monarchy, the sangha and the gamas ( village democracies ) balanced the system. Although at one time, one or the other gained strength, in the long run this tripod of power ensured. The institutionalizing of the religion, through the establishment of Mahavihara did give the sangha certain powers in the affairs of the state - two such instances are shown - the war against the usurper Elara, and attempting to plant their own nominee as a successor to Sadhdhatissa, which was thwarted. Yet as a whole this tripod structure ensured against excesses. The Buddhist religion gave sovereignty its first principle that of mahasammata. This concept is of Sakya origin and they were some of the first to experiment with republican ideals, along with the Bhargas of Sumsumara, the Mauryas of Pipphalivana, the Lichchavis of Vaisali. They had no monarchs, but was governed by an assembly of grhapatis, called the ganas. Some time is spent on the roots of pre-Aryan races as well as the Veddhas, for which PBR obviously had to look to the mythical stories connected to Buddha's visit. He recognizes the central important act of Pandukabhaya, which assisted the blossoming of a civilization, as stated in the Mahavamsa - "ten years after his consecration did Pandukabhaya the ruler of Lanka established the village boundaries over the whole of the island of Lanka."
Chapter 2: Compares and contrasts against the panchayat system in the sub-continent. While the caste system in Lanka was a functional one, based on religion, in Lanka it was not hierarchical. Govikula assumed a higher status over time due to its numeral vastness, and its importance. In contrast in the sub continent the brahmin, kshatriya and vaishya were minorities, against the majority untouchables. Economically village democracies functioned as man power units, and it was available for national undertakings, which account for the stupendous construction programmes. Assuming out of a non-monetary society they couldn't be enticed with wages. Its strength lay in its voluntary nature. PBR stresses that the Sinhala self-help system is a more advanced version than what anthropologists have credited with most tribal societies. He stresses that there cannot be any other explanation but the skill of reservoir building was something pre-Aryan, which the aryans immigrants made use of, given their knowledge in agriculture and their gana political tradition. He goes on to say that it was this collective effort, which when initiated by Buddhist monks when the young nation was under threat, formed its army as well its first national hero in Dutugemunu.
Chapter 3, starts with an important point which sounds logical. In its early days, Lanka's king was no more than a gamani of gamanis, and idea of royalty was alien to the Sinhala monarchy. Emperor Asoka attempted to cure this "defect" by a second consecration, with the paraphernalia. Yet that too didn't catch on, as did later the later epithet, sangabodhi. He argues further that, the role of Upasampada and pabbajja was of a similar importance. He says that Buddhism would've been prevalent before the arrival of Arhat Mahinda, for otherwise the sangha may not have been able to rally the people against Sena and Guttika, just 22 years after the nibbana of the thero. Further the building of many Buddhist edifices just after the war with Elara too suggest a longer duration of the faith. The main counter-argument against this is that there is no explicit mention of Buddhism of Pandukabhaya's time, although there is mention of ascetics and mendicant monks, in the Mahavamsa. Maybe the author of Mahavamsa didn't see the necessity of giving prominence to the state of pre-Mahinda era Buddhism.
Chapter 4, starts with an analysis on how the dominant role qualifying kingship, shifted from village democracies to the Sangha, along with the establishment of the Maha Vihara. PBR points how the theocratic potentiality was exploited by the Sangha at the time of Sadhdhatissa, which led to Vatta Gamani Abhaya having a challenge to oust the Pas-Dravida occupation, with him having discontent with the Maha Vihara. Upon reconciliation, Valagambha took the most pragmatic measure by counter balancing with the Abhayagiri establishment. The next struggle was at the time of Mahasen, who came from a lineage that espoused Vaitulyavada. The king, as a Bodhisatva circled above any monk or layman, and this contravened with the established mahasammata consensus. After damaging the Lova-mahapaya and the Mihintale complex, a national calamity was avoided by the Mahasen's own minister, Megavanna Abhaya. On the side of Mahasen was Sanghamitta, Sona and the Vaitulyavadi heresy. A touching description of what may have taken place between Mahasen and his minister, is a telling attribute of the insight that this book carries.Given the scale of the hydraulic projects that Mahasen had scaled, the labour of the voluntary village democracies was felt insufficient, and the establishment of janapadas was thought to be the way forward. The Mahavihara may have played the trump card of a threat to Theravada with this new system - somehow these incidents suggest its modern sequels to a reader's mind.
Chapter 5: While the author of the Mahavamsa, didn't fail to mention both the merit and the guilt that Mahasen accumulated over his time, PBR notes two powerful determinants that had effect on the county. The first was janapadas, in contradistinction to village democracies. The former being larger in physical extent and population and hence relevant to water management. The second is the position of gahapati being taken a host of officials, with the tax collector being an important one. As efficiency is key, the self-help nexus disappear as emphasis shift to individual possession. PBR notes socio-economic transformation, such as the introduction of pirivenas which focused on Sanskrit over Pali, as doors were opened to new vistas of knowledge. The period of 130 years after Mahasena was a tranquil one, with five kings reigning that period.Mahasen's son had the good fortune of receiving the sacred Tooth relic from Dantapura (Puri), which soon led to an annual festival as well as a condition for authentic kingship. However, Mahasen's aim of keeping the sangha manageably distanced while retaining the Buddhist identity continued with Sacred tooth relic being elevated to the position held by the Sri Maha Bodhi. From the point of view of Mahavamsa and Mahaivhara, the fore-mentioned separating was evil, as Mahasen infused the kingship with the sanghabodhi mystic.It is even more symbolic because it was during the time of hie son's rule that the custody and possession of the tooth relic was first identified as a mark of sovereignty over the island.
Chapter 6:The chapter starts with a discussion on the role of the army in a state.The role of the involvement of an Army is a moot point, with the total absence of one only an utopian dream. With respect to Lanka, the author stresses that from the initial gamani society, the theorotical base for mahasammata, to the succeeding sanghabodhi ensured that the army played a major role towards kingship. Senapati Migara is coted as an example of making and unmaking kings. The attribute of sena (warrior), was acquired by kings in a transitional phase. The Sad Dravida invasion took place within this transitional period. Rambukewelle identifies a total of 68 years, within a total of 148 years, between BC 247-77, which were occupations resulting from invasions.
Rambukwelle spends time to discuss the term Dravida. He discusses it because the Cholas nad Pandyas cannot be synchronised with the dates in discussion in the Mahavamsa. The Dravida attacks predate, the author states. It'll be interesting to reread Sastri's "A History of South India" in this context. To quote the author,
"Damila as found in Thun-Sinhale historical literature may be treated as an alternative use of the word Dravida as applicable to a foreigner."( page 56 )PBR suggests that the sad dravidas were patrons of Buddhism, if not Buddhists themselves. It happened during the Kalabhras occupied South India. It was Dhatusena who defeated this foreign invasion. Migara, Dhatusena's nephew, and his senapathi who started a trend of intervention by the army in king making, continued for the next 260 years ( from Mahanama to Manavamma ). Of the 35 kings, 18 came to violent ends, of whom ten counted less than one year's rule. 30 forced themselves to the throne, during this period. PBR calls this the Senasammata period. It is also important to note, that after about two centuries after this trend came into being, there was a difficulty in garnering local recruits and foreign mercenary forces needed to be called upon. PBR shows how Mana, a nephew of the then king, Kassapa II started expelling the mercenaries before his own death resulted due to his valiant efforts. The years 637-689, was a critical period for Lanka,as mercenary savages marauded the country, watched helplessly by the rulers. PBR wonders why the Pallavas didn't think of conquering, given the situation in Lanka was very ripe for it. Yet, the Pallavas were wise to the situation in Lanka, since Manavamma in exile served the Pallava army as a general under two kings. Manavamma returned, was consecrated as king and wiped out the mercenary menace.
PBR then ponders from where the mercenary forces were from ? He thinks it was from Pallava country, and the Pallava kings were killing two birds by assisting Manawamma - repaying a good servant as well as mitigating future threats.
Chapter 7: PBR states that with Manavamma came the fourth state of Sinhala monarchy - from senasammata to sena - no longer was the king the head of the army by consent, but he himself was essence of power. His experience in front line battle for the two warrior Pallava kings, Narasinhavarman I & II, fighting the Chalukyas in the north and the Pandyans in the south , brought an uncompromising regal dignity. Nilakanta Sastri's seminal work, "A History of South India", reports thus of Manavamma's efforts:
"... Narasimhavarman defeated the Chalukyas in several battles including one at Manimangala about 20 miles to the east of Kanchipuram. In these battles Narasimha was ably assisted by a Ceylonese prince , Manavarma, whom he afterwards helped to gain the throne of Ceylon" (page 136)Manavamma, assisted by the Pallavas, became the king ridding the country of the mercenaries who had been marauding the country, since the locals had by then stopped getting involved in the centuries lasting battle for the throne. Manavamma, fresh with 20 years of battle experience, is thus recognized as instrumental in bringing upon a period of peace for three centuries. These three centuries saw long reigns - Aggabodhi IV ( 40 years), Sena II (35 years ), Mahinda V ( 35 years ) and Sena I (20 years ). There were incidents during this long period too. However, the reigning king managed to overcome them ( Mahinda II defeating a revolt in Uttaradesa people, refusing to pay taxes ) or through negotiations and matrimony. PBR also notes that the absence of construction of reservoirs, dams, canals, weis and channels infers that the exisitng irrigation system was maintained to the peak of their efficiency, with the general prosperity of the period, the best evidence for this. This political and economical climate fo the times are best captured in the following startement;
"... the post- Manavamma kings are not credited with much achievement in the field of irrigation, their laissez-faire policy contributed in great measure to the proliferation of Sinhala hydraulic technology as a people's possession." (page 67)PBR also notes that the village democracies owed no obligation for thier genesis or existence to the king. He points out that the janapada system introduced by Mahasen, didn't become a destabilising factor, due to the pragmatism of Mogallana II, Aggabodhi I & II. The giant resoivoirs served primarily the purpose of storage, while feeding the canals and channels of the village tanks ( while also serving the Janapadas). Overall there was a practical working balance between the tri-dimensional laissez-faire of the gamas, the sangha and the sena kings.
The Pallava connection saw that Lanka was more involved in regional politics. Pandyan king, Sri Mara srivallabha took possesion of the country when he invaded with the king, Sena I taking flight. However Sena's responses to the Pandu king pleased him, and he vacated the capital, handing over the country to his messengers. Incidentally this is the only reported instance of a ruling foreign monarch leading an invasion. Ironically Sri Mara Srivallabha succumbed to injuries fighting the Sinhala forces in Madhura ( capital of Pandya country ). The Sinhala general placed Sena II's nominee Varagunavarman II on the throne before departing.
The reference in Sastri is as follows:
"Sena (i.e. Sena II) sent an expedition into Madura kingdom at about the same time as the battle of Arisil and the invasion was a complete success. The capital was sacked, Srimara died of his wounds, and his son Varagunavarman II was enthroned in his place by the Sinhalese commander-in-chief"
( page 145)
What a study of their historical sources tell us of the Pandyans and Cholas, is the area being focused on this chapter 8. He starts by focusing on the Pandyans. Although contemporaries of the Pallavas, they were insignificant till about the 8th century, until archeological evidences, usually in the form of lithic recordings of grandiose prasasti surface begin to appear in the time of Maravarman Rajasinha I ( AC 730-765 ). It is possible that the Pandyans acquired their lithic skills from the Pallavas. Inquiries has been made to the area of philology to glean and remedy the lacuna which prevents a continuous and consistent history. Historians have had to resort to a body of about 30000 lines of verse has been carefully schematised into two anthologies - titled as Ettuttogai and Pattupattu. These, supported by Tholkappiyam ( a work in grammar ) has been assiduously gleaned to build a historical period called the Sangam age. The lenience afforded by this method had given room for conflicting speculation, inferences, comment, interpretation and theories, which has even undermined the careful labour of serious scholars. A residue of disjointed references, one of which is the mahavamsa, is treated as the factual remains, from which a history of this period is to be constructed.The earliest reference is that Vijaya sent an entourage to the king of Pandu in Mathura to win over his daughter. However given that the Sinhalese wasn't outnumbered by the entourage from Mathura infers that they were from the same stock as Vijaya was - and Vijaya was from Kalinga. PBR ventures to say that in those formative days, that the name Mathura may have originated from the name given to a newly established colony. This is a premise that needs further study, quite definitely. However PBR sees the Sinhala migrations as an overflow from the pockets of settlements in the subcontinent, and the location, one that was well suited for pearl fisheries has its significance in its choice as the first capital. In such light PBK infers doubts whether Pandya was a Tamil country back then. His argument is that most regions of the newly constructed India ( by the British ), have undergone considerable metamorphosis, and the Pandu Rata of Vijayan antiquity and that of Pandyan country of the 8th and 9th centuries are not the same, in the sense of an ethnic stock. PBR goes on to say that although historically the lineage of this latter day Pandyas can be traced to the 6th century. Yet, at the time it was the Pallavas who who were the stronger force, and if not for the Chalukyas of Vatapi ( Badami), the Pandyans mayn't have had an opportunity to grow into what they did. The continued in fighting between the Pandyans and the Pallavas ( with Lankan kings entering the foray as a stated earlier ), led to a chance circumstance which enabled the Cholas to benefit. The role of Sinhala kings wasn't finished yet. Later on in the early 10th century, the Pandyan king Rajasimha II, sought assistance from Kassapa V when the Cholas over-ran the Pandyan country. But Parantaka I defeated the joint forces, with his assuming the title Maduraiyum Ilamum Konda ( conqueror of Madura and Sinhale ) - it is interesting to note that Ilamum is translated as Sinhale. The Pandyan-Sinhale joint effort against the Cholas hadn't seen the last - Pandya king sought refuge in Lanka during the time of Dappula IV. Although he soon left to Kerala, leaving his diadem and other valuables behind, it invited Parantaka to invade during the time of Udaya IV. The mission was unsuccesful, more so because a well times Rashtrkuta invasion of Chola, allowed breathing space for the Pandyans to regain their country with Sinhalese help. The Cholas tried another invasion during the time of Mahinda IV, but the invading army was annihilated. ( Chapter 9 mentions an inscription of the king at Wessagiriya, citing the defeating of the enemy). With ups and downs the Cholas and Pandyas managed to sustain their territories until the attack of Malik Kafur in 1341 AC, which wiped them off the political map. However it is the Pallavas and the Kalabhras who fill the anterior centuries until the Sangam age.
The Sangam age suffers from the lack of dates and times. However from the reference to Gajabahu of Ilam gracing the newly built in Vanji ( the Chera capital ), Senguttuvan is found to be a contemporary of the Sinhala king.This is based on a reference in the Silapidikaram. The regnal years of Gajabahu was 108-130 AC.
"This ( i.e. the Mahavamsa reference ) is the 'sheet anchor' on which rests the the dating of the putative Sangam age and its literature." (page 77)However, PBR casts doubts whether the reference herein is on Gajabahu I, or Gajabahu II (AC 1131- 1153 ) The latter's reign is closer to Nissankamalla, who has a reported visit to the Jambudvipa, with an inscription in Sinhalese in Rameswaram. Rajavaliya mentions a rather dramatic version of Gajabahu visiting Chola country, but the it is a comparatively recent work. Most scholars claim that Silapidaram is a work of the later period, PBR claims. Again, this is worthy of a comparative study with Sastri's exhaustive work.
Chapter 9: This chapter is dedicated to a brief survey of the conquest, rule and expulsion of Sinhale.
Cholas were favoured feudatories under the Pallavas. They captured an opportune moment, after siding with the Pallavas against the Pandyans, to kill their overlad, Aparajita, overran the Pallava kingdom and captured part fo the Pandyan Kingdom, and reducing the Gangas to subjection. It was Aditya (871-907 AC ), who was instrumental in thus initiating a Chola foothold, in an enviorment where the Pallavas were dominant, and the Pandyans too, a force to reckon with. The Cholas held parts of Lanka ( Rajarata ) during the reign of Rajendra I, along with Andhra, Karnataka - while holding sway over Pandya and Chera. The Chola reign reminds one of the days of the Mauryas, Guptas and the Delhi Sultanate. PBR points out that it is on their naval power that the Cholas befit their imperial status. The apprenticeship would've come during the time of their vassalage to the Pallavas, no doubt.
Chapter 10:This chapter discusses the time when Sinhale became Cholamandalam ( Cholas claimed the whole of Ilam - although the Mahavamsa says that the Cholas held sway over Rajarata as far as Rakkhapasanakantha ). Sena V, son of Mahinda IV succeeded his father when he was just 12. By avenging Mahamalla ( senapati Sena's brother) over a clandestine relationship with his mother, he found the senapati turned a rebel. Sena had previously saved the nation twice. He set the Damilas on Sena V, with the king fleeing to Ruhuna. The Royal mother stayed behind and the capital was plundered by the Damilas, as Sena sent his forces to fight the king. The king's brother Mahinda V, succeeded him, but yet the plunder from the Kerala merceneries in the capital, and chaos in other areas due to Keralas, Kannatas and the Sinhalese as they caried on the government as they pleased. The Cholas invaded in this ideal setting for them. Mahinda V died in AC 1029, in captivity.
Then came a troubled era for the Sinhalese as no successor lived long enough to organize troops to free the nation from the Cholas, The Cholas held the country for 77 years. Mahinda's son Kassapa, who was assumed as king under the name of Vikkamabahu, died through illness in 1034. Then followed a series of failed attempts as kingship, with non surviving long enough to make an impact. A scion of Manavamma, Kitti was consecrated as Vijayabahu in 1051 AC and he spent 19 of his 55 years as king in Ruhuna.
Chapter 11, goes back to the time of Kings Elara and Dutugemunu. He casts doubt on the term "damila" from the Chola country, as used in the Mahavamsa. Yet there is no reference to an Elara in Damila literature. He stresses that further scrutiny is necessary of the assummed synonimity of Chola with Damila, just as Pandurata wasn't necessarily Damila country of Vijayan times. This doubt is further strengthned by the fact that there were five centuries of no threat from the era of Valagamba to Dhatusena.
Chapter 12: starts off where chapter 11 finishes off, dedicating the chapter to the era of Vijayabahu's efforts to expel the Cholas from the land. Rambukwelle notes that this liberation effort was largest of tis kind, in contrast to previous ones, given that the Cholas were on a high back in the mainland. He uses the term "super-king" to identify the effort that was exerted. He also studies why even after 77 years, the cholas weren't able to convert it to a civilan administration. The next chapter, questions the reasons why Vijayabahu didn't go back to Anuradhapura and as to why compared to the 1649 year span Polonnaruwa last only 162 years. With the threat of possible chola attacks, it appears that Vijayabahu had to be strategically prudent to bide his time at Polonnaruwa. PBR, also highlights that unlike with the previous instances, the sangha too was conspicious by their absence in the movement for liberation. More than the suffering that the order had suffered in the hands of the cholas, the sangha had ceased to be a political force afte three centuries under the sena kings. He comes back to the times beginning with Manavama, and how "the curtain of isolation" had been lifted and it was exposed to the cross-currents of forces of the neighbourhood. Vijayabahu had to harvest the resentment of all the anti-chola forces in the neighbourhood, in his war of independence. Chapter 14 too continues in the same vein, especially the interncine warfare between Vikkamabahu, and Vijabahu's sister's three sons ( to a Pandyan prince), Manabharana, Kittisirimegha and Sirivallabha. These battles saw the order fleeing to the south with the relics of the Sacred Tooth and the alms-bowl, and most people of honour fleeing Polonnaruwa, no longer able to withstand the insecurity, and plunder. However, Parakramabahu I, who in a few years time became one of the greatest of kings in Sinhale, was the son of Manabharana.
Chapter 15 is dedicated to the path that Parakramabahu I followed, to this throne. Parakramabahu grew up with paternal uncle Kittisirimegha, upon his father, Manabharana's death. PBR first explains how he reached Polonnaruwa during the reign of Gajabahu II, much to the chagrin of his uncle. PBR sees Gajabahu as the more astute leader, in the early career of Parakramabahu, as the former managed to curtail the ambitions of the former. However upon the death of Kittisirimegha, he became the ruler of Dakkhinadesa. His vision and pragmatism was demonstrated during this tenure. As a three-cornered battle was fast becoming inevitable, Parakramabahu geared up for war, with irrigation and agriculture serving as a base. PBR calls his secret weapon, being the monetary system that he adopted. A special mentioning is made of the attitude of the Malayarata, who although not faithful to their leader, Gajabahu, had a sense of ideological independence, which was an obstruction to Parakramabahu. Next he managed to win the Pearl banks from Gajabahu's control. There was extended battles between Gajabahu, Manabharana Jr. ( the sone of Sirivallabha ) and Parakramabahu. Even after the death of Gajabahu, Manabharana still attempted his best to capture Polonnaruwa. After the defeat of Manabharana, the battle continued for Ruhuna between Sugala ( his mother ) and Parakramabahu. PBR makes special menition of how each of the leaders had resouces to depend on, to fight proplonged battles. Although Manabharana's son, Kittisirimegha Jr. sided with Parakramabahu, the queen-mother Sugala organized her people and was determined not to yield the Ruhuna to Parakramabahu.
This leads us to the event over which PBR finds fault with Parakrmabahu. His response to Ruhuna's rebuff was a "Conquest of Ruhuna", resulting in a savagery, that resulted in the non-emergence of the customary fight back, at the next invasion - that of Kalingha Magha, in about three deades time. It initially began in his attempt to win over the Sacred tooth relic and the Sacred Alms bowl. The second stage was teh capture of queen Sugala, since it was proclaimed that she "is the cause of these people becming rebels abd has led them into our power." Next he had to stamp out revolt, of which the Mahavamsa boasts, "made the enemy as fuel of his majesty, he shortly freed the whole province from the briers." Given that it was a revolt, which involved "all the inhabitants of the provice", the scale and the subsequent loss could be imagined. PBR then queries as to why Ruhuna had such a hostility towards Parakramabahu ? PBR, conjectures that "a fundamental change of social structure was in the melting pot" as the warfare between the ruler and the ruled continued over a long period of time. He thinks that the balance between monarch, sangha and gamas was being disturbed. The militarism of Vijayabahu, had very little to do with the gamas and the sangha, and their historical importance had declined. The author connects it to the irrigation miracles which too he terms, "a booster resource from outside". The agricultural enterprise too became dependent and unable to stand on its own. "This outside source was trade." This had begun at the time of Manavamma, and the dependence of a tax collection based on agricultural produce was fast declining. The increase of issuance of coinage during the times of Vijabahu I onwards bears tesimony to the dependence on trade. Silk was a favourite export, and the practice of katina pinkamas practiced to date as cottage industry in Myanmar bears testimony, PBR says. Probably it is this trade, which made the run sustain itself not withstanding the incessant internal strife.
Chapter 17, focuses more on the "Conquest of the Rohana", especially with regards to the limited independence that the gahapatis of Ruhuna. Parakramabahu's main concern was that the merchant class residents came under his control.
Chapter 18 focuses on Parakramabahu's energetic effort in resoring Buddhism to its Anuradhapura prestinity. Gal Viharaya or Uttararama taken by itself is a master work at sculpture. It was not restircted to Polonnaruwa as many religious buildings were constructed in Dakkhinadesa and Mayarata. His declaration was that, his unification of the country was to reestablish the Buddha, Dhamma and Sangha. After upasampada was restored Ramanna during Vijayabahu's time, the sangha had withdrawn to obscurity. During Parakramabahu's era, he tried tried to clean the sasana from flase doctrine and uncrupolous bhikkus. Ganinnanse's it appears were common by that time, and it clarifies why the king offered lucrative positions to the undisciplined elements.
On chapter 19, we are shown the chakravarti like aspirations of Parakramabahu. He cites the punitive expedition of Ramanna or Lower Burma, as recorded in the Mahavamsa with some insight on the strength of his naval and merchant marine strength. But the more popular of Parakramabahu's adventures was when he visited Madhura on the request of Parakramapandu, although the latter had been killed by the time the former's military commander, Lankapura reached Pandya country. After repeated defeats at the hands of Sinhala forces, Kulasekara finally triumphed, "and thus averted the conversion of the Pandyan country into a province of Ilam (Sinhale)", as told in Neelakanta Sastri's book. The battles between Cholas and the Pandyans continued until the Pandyan empire fell on to the hands of Malik Kafur, but not before the doom of the Chola kingdom at the hands of the Pandyans. The role that Sinhala nation played is tacit in the admission of the title Maduraiyum-Ilamum konda, vaunted by the Chola kings, leaving no doubt that the imperialist clash was between the Cholas and the Sinhalese, although being played on Pandyan grounds. Yet ultimately able kings like Jatavarmna Sundara Pandya and Maravarman Kulasekara, made the Pandya nation proud, by absorbing the Chola kingdom into their dominion.
Chapter 20 starts to discuss the anarchic confusion of 27 years and 14 leaders after Parakramabahu, until the invasion of Kalingha Magha. Special mention is made of Nissankamalla, who ridiculed the govikula as "crows and jackas trying to imitate swans and lions", who had come down from Kalinga country to assume the kingship. He clearly stated that he was of the Okkaka Kalinga Chakravarti descent which gave the Sinhala race its first king. But as a king his feats could be compared with that of Parakrmabahu, despite the former's short reign of nine years. Similar to Parakramabahu, Nissankamalla too had been involved in the fighting between the Cholas and the Pandyas. There is even an inscription in Rameswaran, in Sinhala caliming to have exacted trbute from defeated kings. a devale named Nissankesvara and alms houses hint at the nature of power he has had, however transitory.
This was around the time, where the Chola kingdom became a tributory of the Pandtan country. Succesful attempts to restore freedom for them resulted in the Chola country being absorbed as a province of the Pandyan kingdom during the time of Maravarman Kulasekara ( 1268-1310 AC ). Round about the time the muslim avalanche desended upon the Northen parts of India, with the Southern parts too getting affected, Kalngha Magha came down and caused great havoc like the Mara. Mahavamsa's long desription is captured in the book.
The final chapter, 22, gives us a glimpse of how local Senapatis organized to win back the coutnry from the foerign invador. Subha from Yapahuwa, Buvanekabahu from Govindamala, Sankha from the district of Minipe on the mountain of Gangadoni - all towns created in inaccessible forests and mountain tops - protected the resepctive provinces, the people and the order. A prince by the name of Vijayabahu, united these vanniralas and assumed the kingship as Vijayabahu III. However it was his successor Parakramabahu II, who drove out the Magha from Polonnaruwa after 19 years. An interesting point that PBR raises is who actually was Kalingha Magha ? What is the false faith that he employed forced proselytisation for ? Brahmanical worship, Mahayanism or Tantiric esoterism cannot explain this proselytisation nor the book burning fervour. And PBR, concludes the book, citing that this is still an open question.
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