I stumbled upon this book while skimming through the newly returned books in the Sinhala section, at the public library. Although I have some regard for Chandraprema as a political columnist, by reading his weekly column to the Sunday Island, I had not quite decided to read this when I brought this home - the main reason being that I possessed some idea about his political ideology back then. Upon checking with some of my friends and associates, well read on the times in focus, I found out that it was an important book - hence my decision to read it, although it was not in any plan I had for this year.
Few things need to be set an outset. While the writer is not overwhelmingly critical of the then UNP government, he had not attempted to keep them out of their share of the blame for the atrocities that took place. In comparison, he is highly critical of the JVP, especially of its higher leadership - especially Wijeweera. More importantly the book gives an overall picture of the terror that reigned the country, the terror which I had only heard of from friends and relatives, for I had the good fortunate of never setting my eyes on pyres of tires that was supposedly a common sight.
Chandraprema's area of academic focus is social sciences, and there are many a place where this insight is given prominence, beside the political turmoil and terror that reigned. It is indeed a shame that this book is no longer in print, for it is a book that a student of recent Sri Lankan political history would love to use as a reference. I have a copy of Dharman Wickramarathne's book on the subject which am yet to read, and hopefully that will serve as a sufficient historical reference.
A few comments with reference to selected quotes from here on:
"Bizzare though it is, what Wijeweera was grappling with at that young stage of his life was one of the most vexatious problems in the theory of revolution. The existential basis for revolutionary motivation is one aspect of social psychology very few people have dared to venture into. It is to Wijeweera's credit that he could exercise his mind on this matter even when he was barely in his mid-twenties... The basic premises on which the psychological balance of an individual rests, differs from society to society and within the various societies, from one social group to another. The desire for change comes when it enters one's consciousness that what is deserved has not been received." (page 25 ) - One of the two or three instances (if that ) where Wijeweera is commended in the whole of the book. In most other parts, he is shown as one who doesn't worry too much about the deaths of his party men and one who is first to blame others when things go wrong. Two unflattering comments about Wijeweera and the other leaders is as follows:
"..he ( Col. Janaka Perera) had cocked his pistol, put it to 'Attanayake's' head and asked 'Oya Wijeweerada?' 'Attanyaka' fearing that the Colonel would pull the trigger, had admitted that he was Wijeweera and said 'I will come with you, but please don't harm my family'. There were two women 'servants' in the house other than Wijeweera's wife, and all the women had started wailing as Wijeweera was led out." ( page 305)
"Commenting on the capture of the JVP leaders, Vartharaja Perumal the chief minister of the Nothern and Eastern Provinces had said in his heavy Jaffna drawl 'I say, Prabhakaran wouldn't have died like that. He would have died fighting. If he was in a tight spot he would take cyanide. But he would never be taken alive to be spat upon by his enemies!' A large number of Sinhalese were bitterly disappointed with the JVP leadership."( page 307)
This book was written in 1991, when Prabhakaran was very active and thought to be invincible. Enough said.
There are few who are held in some esteem in this book. Although from the "enemy's camp" D. M. Ananda is given reluctant recognition for his commitment. "D.M. Ananda was functionally the No.1 in the JVP...It was Ananda who conveyed decisions decisions from one group to another. This when combined with his other functions as the political cum military leader of the Bhikku front, women's' and workers' front and the leader of the Jathika Kammkaru Satan Madyasthanaya, made him the single most powerful person in the organization. This is not to say that Wijeweera was superseded as the charismatic leader of the movement. But Ananda's sphere of responsibility in the organization was much larger than Wijeweera's. A hardworking man, Ananda had slaved indefatigably to build up the movement. Many of the other appear to have grown fat and lazy with the influx of money into the movement. And their grip on the organization had also loosened , giving rise to a kind of anarchy within the their own ranks" (pages 302-303)
Probably no one else is held in as much high esteem as Ravi Jayawardena - even more than Chandraperma's then hero, Ranasinghe Premadasa.
"He is a man of contrasts, at one and the same time a firearms expert and a meditation enthusiast given to long bouts of meditation in various hideouts here and abroad.
At no point during his father's tenure of office did Ravi J allow his photograph to appear anywhere. Nor was he seen at any public function with is father or hold any position of responsibility except that of security advisor to the President, the duties of which he dispensed in his characteristic anonymity. The only section of the general public accustomed to seeing him regularly were the Padaviya peasants!" ( page 226 ) There are at least 3-4 pages worth of material which portray Ravi J, as unassuming person who had not seen eye to eye with his father on the Indo-Lanka Peace accord; he had also gone out of his way yo extend his arm to the JVP, to come to the negotiating table, make use of their commitment in a more meaningful manner. However the JVP had never been genuine.
The battles between the University Student Unions during this time was at their most terrifyingly stage. The ISU was hunted down by the IUSF and Dharmasiri of the ISU was the outspoken leader ( successor to Pathirana ) who stressed that the JVP will be and need to be destroyed one day.
"Nobody in this country ever thought in their wildest dreams that the JVP could ever be so totally smashed up at the end of 1989, But the ISU leadership, primarily K.L. Dharmasiri foresaw it. They paid for their prophetic albeit somewhat blood spattered vision with their lives." (page 208)
"On August 19, the leader of the Independent Student's Union K.L. Dharmasiri was gunned down at Kotahena. His funeral was held at Kanatte. Delivering the funeral oration, Dr. Rajitha Senaratne, a leading left-wing politician invited all the left leaders to follow in the footsteps of K.L. Dharmasiri. Many people present felt that the only practical person in the left was now gone for good. PRRA was also present at this funeral. They had come with an expensive wreath for Dharmasiri. Before the pyre was lit, there was a gun salute for the fallen student leader. For several minutes live ammunition from weapons of all kinds were fired into the air."
Note that this was at a funeral of a student leader. The incidents described is a picture of the kind of anarchy that the country had slid into.
Other societal factors that favoured the JVP, The caste factor too had a role to play. "It was also seen that the JVP had a considerable amount if support from the other underprivileged castes like the Batgam, Wahampura and Rada in 1971. ...Because of the long drawn out nature of the struggle in 1987-1989, the caste factor was more visibly seen unlike in 1971... Castes like the Wahampura's (hakuru) and Batgam (padu) are the most numerous after the Govigama's. But they are sorely under-represented in business, education and general economic prosperity. This oppression is never discussed or acknowledged in any way" ( page 129)
There are historical tit bits which makes interesting reading and is copied here in verbatim."The rift between the JC ( Jathika Chintana) student unions and the JVP first arose over the question of Mrs. Bandarananaike's candidacy at the presidential elections held in December 1988. The IUSF was one of the negotiating parties in the talks that were held between various political groupings to decide on this matter. The IUSF delegation to the six party alliance of the SLFP, MEP, DWC, LP, SLMC and JVP was led by one Champika - a Jathika Chinthanaya student leader from the University of Moratuwa. Following these negotiations, the JC and SLFP student unions which were at that time represented within the IUSF decided to support Mrs. Bandaranaike. But the JVP decided to withdraw their support from all candidates at the elections, and they issued an order for the boycott of the election." ( page 117)
At times there are home truths which are very valid even today, decades after the JVP has managed to re-incarnate themselves, which I doubt the author could predict at the time this book was written.
"The JVP has never owed allegiance to anything but itself. And as far as the JVP was concerned, it was more advantageous to have the UNP remain in power. Had the SLFP won, this would have been a complete political change and would have retarded the anti-government momentum that the JVP had built up by several years" ( page 249)
In essence this is a book that every student of recent political history should read. It may not be flawless, and the author is sure to have had his interests and inclinations when writing it, if what we too have heard from the grapevine, is even partially to go by. Yet it is a recorded history of events, written importantly soon after the events. And frankly I felt it was more unbiased than I initially feared when I was hesitant to read it. It carries the politics and the events in some detail, and the sociological insights added by Chandraprema are a possible advantage, missing in other works on the subject.
How I wish I could lay my hands on my own copy of this book, for further reference and comparison when I do read Dharman's book one of these days!
Few things need to be set an outset. While the writer is not overwhelmingly critical of the then UNP government, he had not attempted to keep them out of their share of the blame for the atrocities that took place. In comparison, he is highly critical of the JVP, especially of its higher leadership - especially Wijeweera. More importantly the book gives an overall picture of the terror that reigned the country, the terror which I had only heard of from friends and relatives, for I had the good fortunate of never setting my eyes on pyres of tires that was supposedly a common sight.Chandraprema's area of academic focus is social sciences, and there are many a place where this insight is given prominence, beside the political turmoil and terror that reigned. It is indeed a shame that this book is no longer in print, for it is a book that a student of recent Sri Lankan political history would love to use as a reference. I have a copy of Dharman Wickramarathne's book on the subject which am yet to read, and hopefully that will serve as a sufficient historical reference.
A few comments with reference to selected quotes from here on:
"Bizzare though it is, what Wijeweera was grappling with at that young stage of his life was one of the most vexatious problems in the theory of revolution. The existential basis for revolutionary motivation is one aspect of social psychology very few people have dared to venture into. It is to Wijeweera's credit that he could exercise his mind on this matter even when he was barely in his mid-twenties... The basic premises on which the psychological balance of an individual rests, differs from society to society and within the various societies, from one social group to another. The desire for change comes when it enters one's consciousness that what is deserved has not been received." (page 25 ) - One of the two or three instances (if that ) where Wijeweera is commended in the whole of the book. In most other parts, he is shown as one who doesn't worry too much about the deaths of his party men and one who is first to blame others when things go wrong. Two unflattering comments about Wijeweera and the other leaders is as follows:
"..he ( Col. Janaka Perera) had cocked his pistol, put it to 'Attanayake's' head and asked 'Oya Wijeweerada?' 'Attanyaka' fearing that the Colonel would pull the trigger, had admitted that he was Wijeweera and said 'I will come with you, but please don't harm my family'. There were two women 'servants' in the house other than Wijeweera's wife, and all the women had started wailing as Wijeweera was led out." ( page 305)
"Commenting on the capture of the JVP leaders, Vartharaja Perumal the chief minister of the Nothern and Eastern Provinces had said in his heavy Jaffna drawl 'I say, Prabhakaran wouldn't have died like that. He would have died fighting. If he was in a tight spot he would take cyanide. But he would never be taken alive to be spat upon by his enemies!' A large number of Sinhalese were bitterly disappointed with the JVP leadership."( page 307)
This book was written in 1991, when Prabhakaran was very active and thought to be invincible. Enough said.
There are few who are held in some esteem in this book. Although from the "enemy's camp" D. M. Ananda is given reluctant recognition for his commitment. "D.M. Ananda was functionally the No.1 in the JVP...It was Ananda who conveyed decisions decisions from one group to another. This when combined with his other functions as the political cum military leader of the Bhikku front, women's' and workers' front and the leader of the Jathika Kammkaru Satan Madyasthanaya, made him the single most powerful person in the organization. This is not to say that Wijeweera was superseded as the charismatic leader of the movement. But Ananda's sphere of responsibility in the organization was much larger than Wijeweera's. A hardworking man, Ananda had slaved indefatigably to build up the movement. Many of the other appear to have grown fat and lazy with the influx of money into the movement. And their grip on the organization had also loosened , giving rise to a kind of anarchy within the their own ranks" (pages 302-303)
Probably no one else is held in as much high esteem as Ravi Jayawardena - even more than Chandraperma's then hero, Ranasinghe Premadasa.
"He is a man of contrasts, at one and the same time a firearms expert and a meditation enthusiast given to long bouts of meditation in various hideouts here and abroad.
At no point during his father's tenure of office did Ravi J allow his photograph to appear anywhere. Nor was he seen at any public function with is father or hold any position of responsibility except that of security advisor to the President, the duties of which he dispensed in his characteristic anonymity. The only section of the general public accustomed to seeing him regularly were the Padaviya peasants!" ( page 226 ) There are at least 3-4 pages worth of material which portray Ravi J, as unassuming person who had not seen eye to eye with his father on the Indo-Lanka Peace accord; he had also gone out of his way yo extend his arm to the JVP, to come to the negotiating table, make use of their commitment in a more meaningful manner. However the JVP had never been genuine.
The battles between the University Student Unions during this time was at their most terrifyingly stage. The ISU was hunted down by the IUSF and Dharmasiri of the ISU was the outspoken leader ( successor to Pathirana ) who stressed that the JVP will be and need to be destroyed one day.
"Nobody in this country ever thought in their wildest dreams that the JVP could ever be so totally smashed up at the end of 1989, But the ISU leadership, primarily K.L. Dharmasiri foresaw it. They paid for their prophetic albeit somewhat blood spattered vision with their lives." (page 208)
"On August 19, the leader of the Independent Student's Union K.L. Dharmasiri was gunned down at Kotahena. His funeral was held at Kanatte. Delivering the funeral oration, Dr. Rajitha Senaratne, a leading left-wing politician invited all the left leaders to follow in the footsteps of K.L. Dharmasiri. Many people present felt that the only practical person in the left was now gone for good. PRRA was also present at this funeral. They had come with an expensive wreath for Dharmasiri. Before the pyre was lit, there was a gun salute for the fallen student leader. For several minutes live ammunition from weapons of all kinds were fired into the air."
Note that this was at a funeral of a student leader. The incidents described is a picture of the kind of anarchy that the country had slid into.
Other societal factors that favoured the JVP, The caste factor too had a role to play. "It was also seen that the JVP had a considerable amount if support from the other underprivileged castes like the Batgam, Wahampura and Rada in 1971. ...Because of the long drawn out nature of the struggle in 1987-1989, the caste factor was more visibly seen unlike in 1971... Castes like the Wahampura's (hakuru) and Batgam (padu) are the most numerous after the Govigama's. But they are sorely under-represented in business, education and general economic prosperity. This oppression is never discussed or acknowledged in any way" ( page 129)
There are historical tit bits which makes interesting reading and is copied here in verbatim."The rift between the JC ( Jathika Chintana) student unions and the JVP first arose over the question of Mrs. Bandarananaike's candidacy at the presidential elections held in December 1988. The IUSF was one of the negotiating parties in the talks that were held between various political groupings to decide on this matter. The IUSF delegation to the six party alliance of the SLFP, MEP, DWC, LP, SLMC and JVP was led by one Champika - a Jathika Chinthanaya student leader from the University of Moratuwa. Following these negotiations, the JC and SLFP student unions which were at that time represented within the IUSF decided to support Mrs. Bandaranaike. But the JVP decided to withdraw their support from all candidates at the elections, and they issued an order for the boycott of the election." ( page 117)
At times there are home truths which are very valid even today, decades after the JVP has managed to re-incarnate themselves, which I doubt the author could predict at the time this book was written.
"The JVP has never owed allegiance to anything but itself. And as far as the JVP was concerned, it was more advantageous to have the UNP remain in power. Had the SLFP won, this would have been a complete political change and would have retarded the anti-government momentum that the JVP had built up by several years" ( page 249)
In essence this is a book that every student of recent political history should read. It may not be flawless, and the author is sure to have had his interests and inclinations when writing it, if what we too have heard from the grapevine, is even partially to go by. Yet it is a recorded history of events, written importantly soon after the events. And frankly I felt it was more unbiased than I initially feared when I was hesitant to read it. It carries the politics and the events in some detail, and the sociological insights added by Chandraprema are a possible advantage, missing in other works on the subject.
How I wish I could lay my hands on my own copy of this book, for further reference and comparison when I do read Dharman's book one of these days!
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