Enabling Traditions - Wimal Dissanayake

The following is more precisely, a summary of the book, and not necessarily a criticism of the book. The book per se, if am to say something about it - although I may not be qualified to do so, given the unfamiliarity of the subjects discussed therein - is possibly one of the best books which analyse, the labours, the thinking, the contribution, the criticisms as well as its relation to other modern thinkers with,  four modern literary giants of Sri Lanka. This latter point - the familiarity of global modern thinkers, their ideas and how they can be compared and contrasted with the four intellectuals discussed herein is one the most important aspect of this book, and I trust that there is no one other than Wimal Dissanayake who can do it, in this detail.   I am not aware of any other book which discusses the areas that I mentioned above as objectively, and completely, as a book of this moderate size could contain. In that regard, I have nothing but the highest respect for  Wimal Dissanayake (WD) , for the non-partiality that his pen commands throughout this work - he doesn't let any political belief that had nurtured him to color what is written here - an aspect which has actually come for criticism by certain other modern critics, with a more political ideological bent. The Publisher Visidunu too has to be commended for creating a book of international quality with an attractive outer jacket - and next to no printing errors - something that most of our publishers who are more renowned for Sinhala publications seem unable to, when printing in English.

 

The structure of the book is as follows:

 

i. An introduction to the classification of what is tradition as expounded by modern social critics, followed by a discussion on Ananda Coomaraswamy, whom WD identifies as a transcendentalist. The first part of this introduction is the part I found most challenging, since I am new to these concepts. 

ii. Discuss Munidasa Cumaratunga as a linguist, with a modern outlook and  a studied understanding of the aspects of a language, who identified the uniqueness of Sinhala  and the need to understand the intellectual autonomy of each tradition.

iii. Martin Wickramasinghe, and his emphasis on a version of Buddhism humanism that was fundamental to most of his writings, his comparison of that humanism to that of western writers like Dostoevsky.

iv. Sarachchandra's undeniable role of giving birth to a tradition of modern Sinhala Drama, based on the then  tradition then extant.

v. Amarasekara, who was hungry to find a new tradition of poetry based on the extant tradition of over a millennia, the refining of a suitable language for same and as a political theorist, in the last 30 plus years.

vi. A Conclusion, in which how these four cultural intellectuals figure against modern thinkers and the criticisms as they have expounded. He then proceeds to pitch these four against modern critics, and point out what he sees as shortcomings of the latter group too.

I welcome readers to read this essay, which serves as a summary of the book for several reasons. Since this is a non-fiction, the matter of spoilers, I think can safely be ignored. In the event that a reader decides to read this book, this summary serves as an introduction, although the main reason for me to take time to write this too, so that I can benefit from it on a second or third reading as the case maybe. If others too benefit from it ( as some of my blog essays seems to suggest ), I'd be happier for my efforts.

[ Aside, I recently read the essay that Liyanage Amarakeerthi wrote as an appreciation of  Siri Gunasinha, to the Colombo Telegraph. I have no contention of anything that Amarakeerthi states in praise of Gunasinha - in fact am certain that they are well founded. I don't even have a contention when Amarakeerthi drops a hint that WD was boastful at times. But when he calls WD a "labourer in the trade of thought" ( චින්තන කර්මාන්තයේ කම්කරුවෙකි ), I was shocked.  Amarakeerthi has referred this book in his collection of essays, titled Sithivili Sithijaya ( සිතිවිලි සිතිජය), at least for his essay on Munidasa Cumaratunga - but then again Amarakeerthi's book came out  in 2019, whereas the above snide was made in 2015. The inference here being, that  it can safely be assumed that Amarakeerthi is aware how thoroughly WD has used the views of  a host of modern critics in this most complete book, at least now.  Personally, am at a loss as to how Amarakeerthi could call out such names ( a politically incorrect one, no doubt), if he had read this book from cover to cover. ]

My Rating : *****
Publisher - Visidunu (2005)

Genre(s) - Literature; Social Criticism; Cultural History


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The Summary on the book begins here:

The Author starts be dedicating an appreciable discussion on what he means by tradition, with a reference to many renowned social critics - Walter Benjamin, Terry Eagleton etc. He proceeds towards the classification of tradition. He elaborates on seven categories;
Transcendentalists - the tradition which believed that true knowledge can only be obtained by faculties of mind that transcends sensory experience. It is usually the anti-traditionalists like Benjamin and Foucault who had depended on that type, to analyse their philosophy.
Creative Assimilationists - One of the focal thinkers of this trend as per WD, T.S. Eliot believed in creative assimilation of tradition.On the one hand he cautions about hanging on to old tradition, while stressing that a tradition can be inherited by only a conscious effort. I think the dictum that Eliot went by was, 'a tradition without intelligence is not worth having'. Hans-Georg Gadamer is the other scholar that WD brings in to the discussion. As per him, tradition is the space that an interpreter already occupies. As per Gadamer's idea of tradition, it centers upon a specific historical tradition and stresses that prejudices and situatedness are what facilitates an interpretation.
Marxists - WD starts out by saying that while there is some ambivalence with the Marxist thinking about tradition, he quotes extensively from a book by Raymond Williams to explain the Marxist position. Williams states that under Marxism, it has been regarded a superstructure, inert, and as part of the surviving past.Williams points out that the segment of culture which are open for incorporation  practically, and intentionally are not fully appreciated.
Inventionists - WD explores this category with the help of the concept that, traditions are not necessarily handed down, passed on from generation to generation, but are inventions in response to current needs. He cites the work of Hobsbawm and Ranger (The Invention of Tradition), and even presents a real life case with regards Nama identity of Namaqualand, in South Africa.
Counter-Traditionalists, are usually a means of replacing one set of writers with another. In recent times feminists and various ethnic minorities have insisted on the need to fashion counter-traditions, so as to expose the hegemonic power of the mainstream tradition.
Non-linearists insist that it is important to understand the complex temporality involved in tradition. The Present moment is given a central space, in contrast to it being considered a fleeting moment

Part two of the introduction discusses the role of Ananda Coomarswamy in some detail, as someone who WD categorises as a transcendentalist. It appears, that for all his western education, he had what could be considered a nostalgic notion about tradition. To quote WD:

"His attraction to tradition went hand in hand with a strong antipathy to modernization and industrialization. He saw modernization as a negative force that sapped the vitality of traditional arts and crafts and the social order. One discerns, in his corpus of writings certain nostalgia for the medieval period." (page 28) 

As such, for Coomaraswamy, tradition was an unchanging and universal truth. WD, goes to the level of  using the term "dogmatic rigidity" to describe his stance, towards the arts of the medieval period. Critics have expressed that it too carried a modernistic approach overall. His biographer Roger Lipsey states ( as quoted by WD);

"because it permits a thoroughgoing interest in every mode of traditional thought but requires no particular adherence to any one, the idea of a perennial philosophy or metaphysic is characteristically modern" ( page 30 )

 WD concludes this section discussing the weaknesses in the approach of Coomaraswamy,  whom WD characterizes as an essentialist. An essentialist view point of tradition contravenes with that of contemporary analysts, who hold that culture is characterized by plurality, instability and change. Ashis Nandy contrasts the views of Tagore against that of Coomaraswamy, the former who creatively used modernity with tradition.

Ediriweera Sarachchandra (ES) is being discussed here based on the central role he played towards the birth of the modern Sinhala drama. WD emphasizes how ES never wavered from his stance of identifying Sinhalese culture with the classical Indian tradition. However he assimilated modern western criticism, with that of ancient Indian theorists. WD quotes Dr. Thiru Kandiah who found fault with Tamil drama which was stuck on an unchanging tradition, as against the rapid headway made by Sinhala drama, ever since Maname.

WD next explores why there never was a sophisticated  Sinhala drama tradition. He shows ample proof that Sinhala writers were aware of Sanskrit dramatic works and that some kind of folk-drama for popular entertainment existed, as well as the existence of music, dancing and even puppetry. The lack of literary drama in Sinhalese was attributed to the fact that India lacked such drama in their vernaculars, and the fact that Brahmanism didn't have adequate an  influence in Sri Lanka to initiate such a stream. What ES did in fact do was, to connect with the nadagam tradition, a more simple  localised popular stream influenced by Sanskrit drama, and through that to more richer and complete sanskrit drama tradition. ES strictly believed that we should include Ceylon to the greater tradition of India. WD says:

"...Sarachchandra has continuously reiterated the necessity for Sri Lanka to drop its constrictingly xenophobic stance in cultural matters and to identify herself with the mainstream of Indian culture."
(page 97)

At the time that Maname hit the theater the local Sinhalese theater has hit a low, as the then drama of naturalized dialogue with sardonic humour  was not catching on among the masses. The deficiencies of the naturalistic plays as well as the mood in 1950's of  a revival for local culture, certainly was fertile ground for Maname to become popular, WD notes.

The most important message this essay conveys is an impression about the amount of work and effort that Sarachchandra has put in, to find out the path that he thought is the correct one for Sinhala drama to take. Having failed to win over the local crowds with naturalistic drama, his studying of drama in India, China and Japan inspired him to explore the that style. To quote WD;

"...Sarachchandra pointed out that there was a distinctly oriental concept of drama, as evidenced by the traditional theatres of India, Japa, China and so on, that differed from the naturalistic Western plays and which were stylized, in which song, music, mime played a crucial role. "(pages 102-103)

There is a very important section on the history of the Nurthi in Ceylon, on how the visit by the Elphistone Dramatic company, a Parsi theatrical company, in 1880, made an impact on the theater going public. John de Silva continued the path followed by dramatists who were influenced by the Nurthi, but tried to bring in elements of the literate Sanskrit drama into it, albeit with very limited success.

WD touches on the aspect of dialogue between the East and the West , which ES believed would result in bringing out the best of both worlds. However WD doesn't mention the precise period of ES life, in which he had these ideas. What he does mention is that in his rather early scholarly book, "Buddhist Psychology of Perception",  he "sought to juxtapose certain Buddhist concepts with some of the formations of modern psychology, not in the spirit of containing one in the frame work of the other, but rather in an attempt to instigate a dialogue between them." (page 108)

Martin Wickramasinghe (MW): He subtitles the essay on MW, Tradition and Humanism, illustrating how MW, set his reading of western literature, especially Russian, its critical evaluation as well as works of Darwin etc., against his background of Buddhist peasantry.  Focusing on his literary criticism, WD states that MW used the tradition of Buddhism humanism as a yardstick, in evaluating literary works, whether classical or modern. WD, then spends some time illustrating how rigorous MW's criticism was on Sinhala classics. In particular, his comparison of the Jathaka story against the Russian novel, sounds like "a must read", and it was with dismay that I realised that I didn't have this work, at the time of writing this.  However, MW was a firm critic of such works like හෙවනැල්ල (Gunasinha ) and යළි උපන්නෙමි (Amarasekara ). In this regard, Sarachchandra and Wickramasinghe didn't see eye to eye.

WD next moves to the stage when humanism became a smear words, "largely due to the writings of thinkers such as Michel Foucault who, drawing on the formulations of Nietzschem", fashioned a genealogical critique as an antidote to humanistic thought and reflection. Page 72 offers a comprehensive list of deficiencies of the humanist viewpoint.WD shows how the criticism against humanism as applied by Sinhala commentators, is not really applicable to MW. The full list of criticisms is then explored viz-a-viz MW, by WD, proving once again what a treat this book is. In essence, WD contrasts MW's humanism against Eurocentric humanism, claiming that the criticisms against the latter doesn't hold water. 

Citing limitations with MW's base for literary criticisms, WD takes the examples of Butsarana and Kavsilumina - both works, that MW didn't considered best, of our classics.

WD then concentrates on five of his novels - gamperaliya, kaliyugaya, yaganthaya, viragaya, and bhavatharanaya.

Making reference to a speech delivered by MW, back in 1971, WD points out that MW held the idea that,

"...language and tradition are indissolubly linked, a point that Gadamer has made emphatically, is a running theme in Wickramasinghe's writings." (page 82)

In the same essay MW, appears to have considered Buddhist thinking similar to early Greek philosophy, which encouraged a critical outlook. MW's fundamental premise was that this non-elitist strain in Buddhism had an effect of making folk-culture carry the ethos of Buddhism. That MW, aimed at making Buddhist culture a vital component in modern life is not hard to imagine. He wanted to make it a part of the social imaginary. WD goes on to explain a little about the concept of Taylor, in the process making us aware of yet another thinker, whose work we should be aware of.

Munidasa Cumaratunga (MC): Discussing MC, WD says that MC,

"was unafraid to articulate his views and deeply held convictions courageously and forcefully, often generating debate and controversy, which in the long run, turned out to be helpful in advancing the causes he championed." ( page 39)

He goes on to prove the notion that MC was a traditionalist is incorrect, and quotes extensively to prove it. How he showcased that Thotagamuwe Rahula was a plagiarist, when others held him as a great point, citing Kavyashekaraya is a case point. MC's views on Sidat Sangarayawa in Sidat Sangara Vivaranaya proves just how rational his thinking was.

"Sidat Sangarava is old, it was written by an eminent person; we learned our grammar from it. Some seem to think that to point out deficiencies in it is an act of betrayal. For those who believe that Sidat Sangarava is faultless, the last word on the science of grammar could find this interpretation unpalatable." (page 41)

WD details, how MC attempted to fashion a design for the Sinhala language based on its structure, and not on the kind of grammars that was created for other languages. Presented too are some words which were his creations - e.g. රජය (rajaya) , කමිටුව (kamituwa), පාපැදිය (papadhiya).

MC's response to Geiger's Sinhala Grammar, is another important contribution of his, and it stems from the vision he had for Sinhala,  based on which he had criticized Sidath Sangarawa previously. WD makes an important observation here, which warrants quoting:

"The notion of 'maturity' articulated by Kant can be of great value in this regard (i.e. to invoke  intellectual support from western philosophers for MC's way of thinking ). By maturity he referred to the capacity to depend on one's own rationality than being swayed by the authority of someone outside. Interestingly, Michael Foucault regarded this Kantian notion of maturity as being important for his own investigations." ( page 45)

WD coins the term linguisticality  to explain how MC's saw the connection between tradition and linguistic identity. This is in terms of the ideas that is spread across MC's various works, and WD insists that this philosophy of language was articulated through them, but never as a separate treatise. Explaining further on this idea of linguisticality, WD explains the notion that language impacts on personal identity as well as collective identity. WD explains this clealy in page 47. Linguistic discipline is another important dimension of linguisticality. 

"It was his belief that the transgression of laws of a language was a mark of absence of culture"

To complete the characteristics of linguisticality, WD shows that it was essentially connected with the idea of tradition and identity. WD then introduces us to the concept of speech community, briefly (page 50). Yet, those who are born to a speech community can  has the capacity rise above the dictates of that environment. 

WD then points out how, MC's probing mind saw that there is no necessity for prepositions in Sinhala, and hence only nouns, verbs and particles are needed as types of words.MC had further demonstrated that Sinhala didn't possess a special verb form, which denoted the future tense.

The second part of the essay is largely dedicated to MC's seminal work, පියසමර, which WD identifies as one of the finest poems written in the 20th century. WD further identifies that the idea of melancholia is new to Sinhala poetry, and hence the modernity of the poem. He further identifies that although it is an appreciation of his father,  in reality it is about the poet and his memories. As is WD's custom, he relates the thoughts of many a modern critic and thinker, when deconstructing the poem. He uses the concept of significant other and generalised other ( George Herbert Mead ), behavioral environment ( Irwing Hallowell ), Davis and Starn's observations on memory and Freud's differentiation of melancholia from mourning,  to name a few. WD identifies the confessional nature of the poem, a modern trait.

"It can be said that a confessional literary work constitutes a willed attempt on the part of an individual to describe his character to a community of listeners (readers), who would understand his or her situation with sympathy and discernment." ( page 57)

Identifying the absence of an Oedipus conflict, WD makes the point that there are other useful frameworks that can interpret filial relationships.

WD's only criticism of the poem is the use of a stilted and artificial language, which he contributes to the loss of emotional power to, and the non-reception of its deserved critical attention.Reading this deconstruction of the poem, I was pressed to another reading of පියසමර - I read it about 15 years back, and am sure I'd be able to glean more out of it now. But time, and an ever mounting TBR list may not see me getting down to it anytime soon.

Gunadasa Amarasekara (GA): He subtitles the essay, "Poetry, Tradition and Social Truth", and starts by such a vivid exploration of the poems of GA, that the moment I kept this book aside, upon reading the part on poetry, I picked up bhaavageetha ( භාවගීත ) and reminded myself on just how good a collection it was. Published when GA was just 26, it even then attempted react against the shallow experiences of the Colombo School, and the then, newly introduced free verse. It had the vigor of folk poetry, and metrical while still afresh. WD says further;

" To my mind, what is perhaps most noteworthy about this collection of poems is the way in which he recaptures childhood experiences and curves of emotion with great vividness." (page 114)

WD then praises his third collection, Amal Biso ( අමල් බිසෝ) in which he communicated a modern sensibility and structure, while using a diverse folk poetry for a base.Commenting on his longer work, gurulu watha (ගුරුළු වත), WD says,

"..poem is full of psychological meanings and applications of Freud's and Lacan's ideas would yield a rich harvest of meaning." (page 115)

 WD, points out, that by this time GA was frequently iterating the need to draw from tradition and how experimentation on the western model  was futile. His fifth poetry collection, Avarjana (ආවර්ජනා), focused on the sterility and lack of meaning in middle class life.

WD spends no less than four pages, to discuss his  next poetry collection, Asak da kava (අසක් දා කව). Using four quotations, as found in the sidath sangarawa (සිදත් සඟරාව) of a poem based on Asankhavati Jathaka ( the poem itself is no longer extant ), GA used the poetic idiom prevalent in the Kotte period,to themetize,

"...the erosion of human values in a rapidly modernizing society, through allegory." (page 117).

It is clear that most of Amarasekara's poetry is based on his world view that modernism has depreciated human value. To add my own comments here, I must concede that while this is true largely in a Sri Lankan context, most of the western nations who have advanced beyond us, are today more genuine in their relationship. While it is true that modernity has not given the cities more leisure, and  close relationships are known to suffer, a level of maturity has been noticed in their overall approach. In essence with the 21st century, a new ethic, based on the independence of an individual is taking shape - and religion has very little to do with it.However, noting that most of Amarasekara's poetry was the product of an era before 2010, and most of it based on the observations of the last 30-40 years of the previous millennium, Amaraseakra cannot be faulted, especially considering how we have been lost as a nation, even after we got a chance to handle own affairs. 

WD then move to the essays that GA has written on Sihnala poetry, mainly through  Sinhala Kavya Sampradaya ( සිංහල කාව්‍ය සම්ප්‍රදාය ) and Aliya saha Andhayo ( අලියා සහ අන්ධයෝ ). While the former of these two books are already discussed in this same blog as a separate essay, his consistent lamentation is that the modern poet has not considered the continuous tradition of 14-15 years, much to the detriment of Sinhala Literature. WD quotes GA in translation;

"poetry constitutes the language of the national heart. It is also the conscience of the nation",

which he quotes from  Sinhala Kavya Sampradaya. WD, further demonstrates amply how, GA has shown how tradition is deeply connected to language, and how language shows that the surrounding world is emotionally meaningful one's tradition. WD, compares GA's ideas with that of Raymond Williams, who criticized materialist stand point of making culture part of the superstructure, and in contrast thought of it as a constitutive social process. WD, points out on how GA repeatedly insisted in the centrality of tradition. GA has repeatedly criticised the rampant consumerism, which he couples with the middle class way of life.

WD, then moves to discuss GA's political ideology jathika chinthanaya or national thought, which created general interest among a section of the youth, while becoming an object of vitriolic criticism and even ridicule. WD's own presenting of GA's concept of 'jathika chinthanaya' needs to be read closely to interpret its failings - the following excerpt at best represents his position, and this is a more just criticism than I've read elsewhere by writers who are themselves conditioned by their strong political views;

"Many would argue that this response begs more questions than it answers, and that greater clarification is needed on issues of minority identity, agency, and culture as well as ideas of difference and otherness, and how they feed into notions of citizenship" (page 128)

WD, spends sometime comparing the ideas of Hans-Goerg Gadamer with GA, and in his subtle way doesn't fail to highlight where there are limitations in their ideas. ( pages 129-130) 

WD then moves to focus on the Sinhala novel as wriiten by GA, He starts with what are now considered classics - namely Karumakkarayo and Yali Upannemi, where he focused on sexual morality. He then discusses more social conscious novels like Gamanaka Mula and Gam Dorin Eliyata. WD draws parallel with a F.R. Leavis' review of Charles Dickens - Only difference was Leavis didn't rate Dickens highly as novelist, but more as a social historian. While all, including his critics concur that GA is one of the best Sinhala novelists, the social historian tag where the comparisons tally. There is a very important statement that WD makes with respect GA's novels, which I wan to copy in verbatim - since I agree with it, largely.

"There is a general belief that during the past two decades or so Gunadasa Amarasekara made use of the novel as a vehicle to convey his views on politics and society in a propagandistic mode. This is a misreading of his fiction. To my mind, what he has sought to do is to understand our current social predicaments through the actions and behaviour of diverse characters as they respond confusedly to issues of tradition and modernity..." ( page 133)

Conclusion: In conclusion WD, says he wishes to broach three topics with respect to the four cultural intellectuals that he discussed.

i. Traditional Concepts for Heuristic Purposes: WD portrayed how traditional concepts associated with the Greater Indian Tradition were used by the four intellectuals in focus for clarification. But WD cautions the need to pluralize the meanings of the meanings of these terms, and explore their discursive foundations. ( This reminded me of the concept of පේත that Eric Illayappaarachchi recently with total effectiveness. ) WD, referes Blumenberg's concept of metaphorogy - where the gap between models of the world based on concepts  and the lived historical world within which concepts take shape  is reflected upon.

ii. Modernity - He argues that modernity and tradition is virtually inter-linked, and he discusses a seminal work on the counter-argument - The Passing of Traditional Society, by Daniel Lerner, and his concept of psychic mobility, or empathy. WD argues that Lerner's argument should lead to a consumer society, and he had judged pre-modern societies as "highly constrictive" ones. He concludes with the the following statement to point out Lerner's simplistic and reductive dichotomy, in contrast to the four intellectuals discussed;

"What is significant about the writing... is that they subscribe to a much more sophisticated notion of tradition and social modernization. Interestingly, some of their formulations on this topic predate Lerner's book by a decade" (page 143)

iii.  WD then proceeds to discuss the way contemporary cultural theorists react to the formulations of the four cultural intellectuals. He projects that they'd argue that, 

"traditions are modern creations offered to meet present demands and that they are a way of appealing to the generality of the populace, while covering over some faults and fissures in modern society.",

and that issues of discontinuity, otherness and internal differences have not been given adequate attention. He projects that they'd further argue that cultural texts should include modern popular cultural  products such as films and television shows. Yet, WD grants that the four that has been considered has paid attention to some of these aspects, and not others. (144)

WD then spends time on the feminist argument that the four intellectuals didn't dispaly a deep and progressive discussion on the feminist dilemmas in modern Sri Lankan society. WD tacitly admits this, for gender as a fundamental category of social experience is a recent development, and the masculine perspective being universalized was the norm. WD elaborates on who is a feminist and what makes one a feminist, quite lucidly and concisely using the views of Karen Offen (page 145).

Then he discussed the argument that the four were essentialists ( i.e. belief is a true essence). WD counter argues that this is an incorrect premise, since the four recognized the contingent and historically determined nature of tradition. 

WD is thorough, and his study is on what cultural theorists can learn from these cultural intellectuals. (a) He finds fault with post-colonial theorists for not studying the classical traditions - and he emphasizes that this is surprising given a pioneer like Derrida spend a lot of time on the texts of Plato and Aristotle. (b)Next he moves to discontinuities, stating that Foucault overstated the case, thereby weakening it, for a meaningful discussion on discontinuities doesn't make sense without a sense of continuity. (c) The inseparable link between culture and tradition as stressed by the four, as against such critics as F.R. Leavis is another case point that WD stresses, stating that the globalized ensures coming together of culture and civilization.

It is clear that modernization is a global condition that reshapes and re-energizes our understanding of self and society, time and space in culturally specific ways. Wickramasinghe and Amarasekara, in particular have pointed this out. ( page 148)

 Other important points that emerged from the writing of this four are:

(d) the need to abandon the third world as an undifferentiated and monolithic entity

(e) The concept of experience, and how although it is suspect in modern theory, (Lyotard, Derrida, Althusser). Yet the four intellectuals have pointed out that despite its limitations, experience can be used productively in re-understanding the role and function of culture and its relationship to tradition.

(f) Community: Western theorists see community as a site in which individual interests can be negotiated,  whereas the writers focused on the network of commonalities,and how the community is a precondition for individual success.

(g) Historical Consciousness: The idea of history and its relationship to tradition has been focused on in such works as Sinhala Sahithyaye Nageema and Sinhala Kavya Sampradaya.

(h) Agency: Individuals as carriers and transformers of tradition, as a  locus from which an action can be initiated, whether it is one of reconfirmation, or resistance. 

(i) Deconstruction: WD quotes classical Indian theorist Mammata;

"The poem is most effective when the  suggested meaning exceeds the articulated sense" ( page 152)

 ,which he sees as a parallel to the views of deconstructionists. WD, futher states the MS and ES in particular have used this concept very effectively, long before deconstruction gained popularity.

Commentary on Sinhala Kingship ( Vijaya to Kalinga Magha ) - P.B. Rambukwelle

I first heard of this book, while reading Gunadasa Amarasekara's සිංහල කාව්‍ය සම්ප්‍රදාය. In it, Amarasekara refers to this book as one which sheds more light on the political mechansim during the ancient era, than any other. It was on hs recommendation that I sought this book out ( it is no longer in print - it had beeen printed in 1993 ). I managed to find a copy at one f the libraries I had acces to, and started reading it. Although just 141 pages in length it is packed with many an insight in to the political order and system, as well its change over time. I think it is one of the most important books, if not the most important which discusses the finer politics of the ancient era. It is sad that this is no longer in print. If anyone here knows someone who is related to the author P.B. Rambukwelle, please do reach out to him/her to see if the student of political history of Sri Lanka can earnestly request for a reprint of this valuable book.



A Summary of the Book, for later reference;

In the long introduction, the author begins by stating that this is but a commentary and the reader is already familiar with the narrative history of the island. He even goes to the extent of recommending the Nicholas/Paranavitana volume, "A Concise History of Ceylon". Not equipped with that book, I settled for the three hard covered volumes of the Mahavamsa/Culavamsa, translated by Geiger, along with a host of other works from K.M. de Siva, Indrakeerthi Siriweera, Amaradasa Liyanagamage and Vijayasiri Wettimuny, for references.

At inception itself Rambukwelle, divides our hirearchy of kings into five categories. They are:
1. Vijaya to Mahasena, in which the dominant attribute of kingship was gamani, which is described as a populist and consensual character emerging out of ancient gamas.
2. From Mahasena to Mahanama, when the Bodhisatva ideal was infused into kingship
3. From Mahanama to Manavamma, when military force was the true sanction behind kingship, and designated as senasammata.
4.From Manavamma to Mahinda V - The sena or the warrior period of kingship. During this period the expansionist agendas of the Pallavas, Cholas and Srivijayans necessitated the the warrior stance for survival.
5. From Chola-mandalam to Parakramabahu I - Emergence of Chakravarti. The vainglorious emperor like postures of the Cholas etc was what Parakramabahu I inherited,

Rambukwelle almost finds faults with Parakramabahu I, for his emperor like thinking which resulted in him exerting his energies against the village democracies of Ruhuna. After his fall, Ruhuna wasn't able to muster the traditional resistance that had saved the Sinhala kingship, many times before. This despite, Parakramabahu I ruled 33 years in vigour, clipping what the kings of Anuradhapura did over a span of 15 centuries.

The author being a legal expert, besides his interest in history states that the Sinhala nation came into being de jure with the enthronement of Vijaya, if one is to judge from the juristic norm today. The sovereignty was by convention lost in 1815, although he sees the Colebrook-Cameron reforms as the actual throttler of ancient sovereignty. All these comparisons, categorizations and opinions were presented even before we reached the end of the fifth page. Further the use of the term thun-Sinhale to refer to the Island,  which he used to impress upon the reader, "a keener sense of historical milieu."

The author then felt that juxtapositioning of English history in an exercise of comparison and contrast against ours, for a "keener sense of objectivity" regarding the two histories.

The summary of these comparisons is as follows:

First Celtic settlers penetrated deep into the unknown territory later called England around the time the first Aryan migrations happened to Sri Lanka. The Celtic migrations spread over five centuries.

The Roman conquests lasted about 100 years, first under Julius Ceaser, and finally succesful under Aulus Plautius. By this time the Sinhala nation had lasted for nearly six centuries, under 29 kings and 2 queens, and Buddhism was firmly entrenched as the national religion.

( Aside, I write this comparison just for my personal notes, for later reference if need be, since this book is out of print.  I think the author was genuinely an admirer of ancient glory, and he couldn't quell bursts of national pride from seeping into this book. The back cover speaks of a "long and personal association" with Tennakoon Vimalananda, and a fellow reader friend of mine says that Amarasekara always discounted Vimalananda as a historian for not keeping away the emotional side from seeping in to his work. Incidentally, it was Amarasekara's සිංහල සාහිත්‍ය සංග්‍රහය which introduced me into this work by Rambukwelle. And I trudge on at this point, that the book will live up to the plaudits that Amarasekara bestowed on this book, despite this current phase of irrelevant comparison.)

After 400 comfortable years under the Romans, during which the Latin ways influenced the natives in small measure, the Teutonic barbarism, left the natives to their own devices as the Romans had more of the self same menace to tackle. The Jutes was brought in to fight the invasion followed by the Angle and the Saxons. By the 6th c, AC, there were 7 Saxon kingdoms fighting with each other, with an occasional overlordship claim over the seven kingdoms. The Roman withdrawal in 410 AC was during the rule of our 57th king, Mahanama. Rambukwelle, uses this comparison to show that Sri Lanka then was far ahead of Britain, with it's record height Stupas and marvels of irrigation works. However by the seventh century, an Anglo Saxon State was imminent, with Alfred the Great rising to supremacy in Wessex. Yet it was not be as Vikings or Norsemen attacked with such ferocity. For instance in AC 793, Lindisfarne,  monks were slaughtered,  treasures were  robbed and this continued for years and years. The Viking threat affected whole of Europe.  After the organised plunder, conquest and settlement was a logical turn of events, as the Viking turned landowner, once the Saxon was killed. The generic Viking is now identified as Danes, and Anglo Saxons were fighting defiantly. Yet, Vikings got the upper hand as Alfred was defeated at the battle by 878 AC. Yet Alfred fought on, followed by his grand son, Athelson, whose victory in 937 AC,  against the Danes of Northumbria, became the nearest the Anglo-Saxons reached towards, achieving a national state. It is interesting to note that the Britons and Celts of Strathclyde , Scotland and Ireland were in league with the Danes, as it shows how much hate their still was against the Anglo-Saxon foreigner, by the older Britannic races. However by 1016, England was reduced to a province of the Danish empire as the Danish king Sweyn, in person came over to see the Saxon downfall. It is significant that only the Anglo-Saxon areas came under Danish rule as the areas under the earlier Celtic people appeared to have had a favourable liaison with the Vikings.

The Danish phase came to an end, under the Norman conquest of 1066 AC. The period of six centuries between AC 410 and AC 1066,  spanned across sixty-five Sinhala kings, saw three invasions via the seven dravidians ( Kalabhra ), The Cholas and a fleeting Pandyan expedition in between.

Rambukwelle (PBR) compares the Jute mercenaries to the the use of mercenaries by warring conenders, in the two centuries between Mahanama and Manawamma, while crediting the latter for ridding the mercenary problem. Rambukwelle argues that the with Manawamma, the kingship was elevated to a new majestic status, leaving the village democracies to mind itself and their hydraulic systems, while the  Sangha found their role somewhat reduced in matters of advisers to the king, although Royal patronage was strengthened.  He further mentions that with the Dakshinapatha dominated by the Pallawas, with Manawamma coming over from there, he brought an element of awareness of a larger world. The Author compares this to the Iberian exposure that Europe faced at the time, which laid the foundation for Mercantilism.

The author highlights that nationhood in the modern sense was still far for Britain, as Duke of Hastings was crowned King William I, after the battle of Hastings, because his true loyal liege was the King of France. PBR claims that the major reason for the hierarchically descending land tenurial system was this Norman conquest. He contrasts this with "a sharer of the sixth", or shadbhagin system that we had. The British who applied feudal equations assuming that "all land belongs to the Crown", which led to the Waste Land Ordinance, committed  a big crime against the natives. PBR argues.

Under the Normans, it was an argumentative point as to, at which point they ceased to be foreign conquerors and at which point it transformed to an English dynasty. It was around this time that the Kalinga Magha usurpation happened in Lanka around the time King John's sudden death occurred - a time that could be thought of as which marks the end of the first phase of Norman rule. With the 100 years' war, which started at the time of Edward III,  England regained some foreign possessions, and these roused a sense of pride in the English identity. Yet Henry V, couldn't become the heir to France as was expected due to events which resulted from the  burning at stake of Jeanne d'Arc, England at last was ready for Nationhood at the time of the last of the Tudors.

PBR summarises  the path the Church has taken over the years - from the days of the Pax Romana, the collapse of which under Barbarian attacks, made the Europe look for solace in the church. But later the Church itself succumbed to worldly power, often coming a winner against any confrontation - be it a baron, or a sovereign which was challenging it. However the European merchant's emergence has made the church less important in the modern era. He then spends time elaborating.( page 18-24 )

- Christianity came to England in the time of Pax Romana, but wasn't Roman.
- Almost wiped out due to Saxon vitality
- Augustine and 40 monks came over during the time of Ethelbert, the Saxon king of Kent. Chrisitianization of Kent, was followed with Northumbria, through marriage.
- Some Pagan vs. Christian war fare took place due to the King of Mercia's partiality of Thor and Woden.
- After the defeat of Penda at the hands of Oswy, Christianised Northumbira assumed hegemony over the other kingdoms. Yet brutal war went  unabated under a common creed, and  soon had Ethelbald asserted his power and he ruled for 40 years. His dominions included Kent, Essex and Mercia.
- The fiction between the monarch and the cleric was long drawn and the killing of Thomas Becket, archbishop of Canterbury in 1170, was a show case of how sour the Church-State relations could be. Yet, it served the church well, for, for three centuries the ecclesiastical courts dispensed their justice independent of Royal authority. Becket's popularity may have been due to all the conquered races, Britons, Angles, Saxons and Vikings having a common cause against the Norman overloads. The church being the biggest land owner having the largest man power due to the feudal system may have contributed too.
- The level of the power of the church is demonstrated by the fact that, Richard the Lion Heart ( son of Henry II ), who was successful in the crusades, capturing Akka, left a trail of glory resounding in the annals of Christendom.
- The power of the Church reached its highest during the term of King John. Relations falling apart over the the king's nominee not receiving favour for the position of papacy of Canterbury, John seized church property as clerics fled the country. With Philip II, king of France about invade England, John surrendered to the Pope, accepting vassalage, submitting England to papal fiefdom. Two years later he signed the Magna Carta,  under duress from Baronial intimidation, which consolidated feudalism for three centuries to come. Not until the war of Roses did the barons exhausted themselves out.

Coming back to Sri Lanka, the author points out that the Polonnaruwa kings to revive higher ordination ( King Vijayabahu I's time ), paid so much patronage to clergy that they became corrupt and indolent. Parakramabahu had to intervene to reform and carry out an expulsion of unsavoury elements.

Chapter 1: The author mentions that in the history of our country the tripod of the monarchy, the sangha and the gamas ( village democracies ) balanced the system. Although at one time, one or the other gained strength, in the long run this tripod of power ensured. The institutionalizing of  the religion, through the establishment of Mahavihara  did give the sangha certain powers in the affairs of the state - two such instances are shown - the war against the usurper Elara, and attempting to plant their own nominee as a successor to Sadhdhatissa, which was thwarted.  Yet as a whole this tripod structure ensured against excesses. The Buddhist religion gave sovereignty its first principle that of mahasammata. This concept is of Sakya origin and they were some of the first to experiment with  republican ideals, along with the Bhargas of Sumsumara, the Mauryas of Pipphalivana, the Lichchavis of Vaisali. They had no monarchs, but was governed by an assembly of grhapatis, called the ganas. Some time is spent on the roots of  pre-Aryan races as well as the Veddhas, for which PBR obviously had to look to the mythical stories connected to Buddha's visit. He recognizes the central important act of Pandukabhaya, which assisted the blossoming of a civilization, as stated in the Mahavamsa - "ten years after his consecration did Pandukabhaya the ruler of Lanka established  the village boundaries over the whole of the island of Lanka."

Chapter 2: Compares and contrasts against the panchayat system in the sub-continent. While the caste system in Lanka was a functional one, based on religion, in Lanka it was not hierarchical. Govikula assumed a higher status over time due to its numeral vastness, and its importance. In contrast in the sub continent the brahmin, kshatriya and vaishya were minorities, against the  majority untouchables. Economically village democracies functioned as man power units, and it was available for national undertakings, which account for the stupendous construction programmes. Assuming out of a non-monetary society they couldn't be enticed with wages. Its strength lay in its voluntary nature. PBR stresses that the Sinhala self-help system is a more advanced version than what anthropologists have credited with most tribal societies. He stresses that there cannot be any other explanation but the skill of reservoir building was something pre-Aryan, which the aryans immigrants made use of, given their knowledge in agriculture and their gana political tradition. He goes on to say that it was this collective effort, which when initiated by Buddhist monks when the young nation was under threat, formed its army as well its first national hero in Dutugemunu.

Chapter 3, starts with an important point which sounds logical. In its early days, Lanka's king was no more than a gamani of gamanis, and idea of royalty was alien to the Sinhala monarchy. Emperor Asoka attempted to cure this "defect" by a second consecration, with the paraphernalia. Yet that too didn't catch on, as did later the later epithet, sangabodhi. He argues further that,  the role of Upasampada and pabbajja was of a similar importance. He says that Buddhism would've been prevalent before the arrival of Arhat Mahinda, for otherwise the sangha may not have been able to rally the people against Sena and Guttika, just 22 years after the nibbana of the thero. Further the building of many Buddhist edifices just after the war with Elara too suggest a longer duration of the faith. The main counter-argument against this is that there is no explicit mention of Buddhism of Pandukabhaya's time, although there is mention of ascetics and mendicant monks, in the Mahavamsa. Maybe the author of Mahavamsa didn't see the necessity of giving prominence to the state of pre-Mahinda era Buddhism.

Chapter 4, starts with an analysis on how the dominant role qualifying kingship, shifted from village democracies to the Sangha, along with the establishment of the Maha Vihara. PBR points how the theocratic potentiality was exploited by the Sangha at the time of Sadhdhatissa, which led to Vatta Gamani Abhaya having a challenge to oust the Pas-Dravida occupation, with him having discontent with the Maha Vihara. Upon reconciliation, Valagambha took the most pragmatic measure by counter balancing with the Abhayagiri establishment. The next struggle was at the time of Mahasen, who came from a lineage that espoused Vaitulyavada. The king, as a Bodhisatva circled above any monk or layman, and this contravened with the established mahasammata consensus. After damaging the Lova-mahapaya and the Mihintale complex,  a national calamity was avoided by the Mahasen's own minister, Megavanna Abhaya. On the side of Mahasen was Sanghamitta, Sona and the Vaitulyavadi heresy. A touching description of what may have taken place between Mahasen and his minister, is a telling attribute of the insight that this book carries.Given the scale of the hydraulic projects that Mahasen had scaled, the labour of the voluntary village democracies was felt insufficient, and the establishment of janapadas was thought to be the way forward. The Mahavihara may have played the trump card of a threat to Theravada with this new system - somehow these incidents suggest its modern sequels to a reader's mind.

Chapter 5: While the author of the Mahavamsa, didn't fail to mention both the merit and the guilt that Mahasen accumulated over his time,  PBR notes two powerful determinants that had effect on the county. The first was janapadas, in contradistinction to village democracies. The former being larger in physical extent and population and hence relevant to water management. The second is the position of gahapati being taken a host of officials, with the tax collector being an important one.  As efficiency is key, the self-help nexus disappear as emphasis shift to individual possession. PBR notes socio-economic transformation, such as the introduction of pirivenas which focused on Sanskrit over Pali, as doors were opened to new vistas of knowledge. The period of 130 years after Mahasena was  a tranquil one, with five kings reigning that period.Mahasen's son had the good fortune of receiving the sacred Tooth relic from Dantapura (Puri), which  soon led to an annual festival as well as a condition for authentic kingship. However, Mahasen's aim of keeping the sangha manageably distanced while retaining the Buddhist identity continued with Sacred tooth relic being elevated to the position held by the Sri Maha Bodhi. From the point of view of Mahavamsa and Mahaivhara, the fore-mentioned separating was evil, as Mahasen infused the kingship with the sanghabodhi mystic.It is even more symbolic because it was during the time of hie son's rule that the custody  and possession of the tooth relic was first identified as a mark of sovereignty over the island.

Chapter 6:The chapter starts with a discussion on the role of the army in a state.The role of the involvement of an Army is a moot point, with the total absence of one only an utopian dream. With respect to Lanka, the author stresses that from the initial gamani society, the theorotical base for mahasammata, to the succeeding sanghabodhi ensured that the army played a major role towards kingship. Senapati Migara is coted as an example of making and unmaking kings. The attribute of sena (warrior),  was acquired by kings in a transitional phase. The Sad Dravida invasion took place within this transitional period. Rambukewelle identifies a total of 68 years, within a total of 148 years, between BC 247-77, which were occupations resulting from invasions.

Rambukwelle spends time to discuss the term Dravida. He discusses it because the Cholas nad Pandyas  cannot be synchronised with the dates in discussion in the Mahavamsa. The Dravida attacks predate, the author states. It'll be interesting to reread Sastri's "A History of South India" in this context. To quote the author,

"Damila as found in Thun-Sinhale historical literature may be treated as an alternative use of the word Dravida as applicable to a foreigner."( page 56 )

 PBR suggests that the sad dravidas were patrons of Buddhism, if not Buddhists themselves. It happened during the Kalabhras  occupied South India. It was Dhatusena who defeated  this foreign invasion. Migara, Dhatusena's nephew, and his senapathi who started a trend of intervention by the army in king making, continued for the next 260 years ( from Mahanama to Manavamma ). Of the 35 kings, 18 came to violent ends, of whom ten counted less than  one year's rule. 30 forced themselves to the throne, during this period. PBR calls this the Senasammata period. It is also important  to note, that after about two centuries after this trend came into being, there was a difficulty in garnering local recruits and foreign mercenary forces needed to be called upon. PBR shows how Mana, a nephew of the then king, Kassapa II started expelling the mercenaries before his own death resulted due to his valiant efforts. The years 637-689, was a critical period for Lanka,as mercenary savages marauded the country, watched helplessly by the rulers. PBR wonders why the Pallavas didn't think of conquering, given the situation in Lanka was very ripe for it. Yet, the Pallavas were wise to the situation in Lanka, since Manavamma in exile served the Pallava army as a general under two kings. Manavamma returned, was consecrated as king and wiped out the mercenary menace.

PBR then ponders from where the mercenary forces were from ? He thinks it was from Pallava country, and the Pallava kings were killing two birds by assisting Manawamma - repaying a good servant as well as mitigating future threats.

Chapter 7: PBR states that with Manavamma came the fourth state of Sinhala monarchy - from senasammata to sena - no longer was the king the head of the army by consent, but he himself was essence of power. His experience in front line battle for the two warrior Pallava kings, Narasinhavarman I & II, fighting the Chalukyas in the north and the Pandyans in the south , brought an uncompromising regal dignity. Nilakanta Sastri's seminal work, "A History of South India", reports thus of Manavamma's efforts:

"... Narasimhavarman  defeated the Chalukyas in several battles including one  at Manimangala about 20 miles to the east of Kanchipuram. In these battles Narasimha was ably assisted by a Ceylonese prince , Manavarma, whom he afterwards helped to gain the throne of Ceylon" (page 136)

Manavamma, assisted by the Pallavas, became the king ridding the country of the mercenaries who had been marauding the country, since the locals had by then stopped getting involved in the centuries lasting battle for the throne. Manavamma, fresh with 20 years of battle experience, is thus recognized as instrumental in bringing upon a period of peace for three centuries. These three centuries saw long reigns - Aggabodhi IV ( 40 years), Sena II (35 years ), Mahinda V ( 35 years ) and Sena I (20 years ).   There were incidents during this long period too.  However, the reigning king managed to overcome them ( Mahinda II defeating a revolt in Uttaradesa people, refusing to pay taxes ) or through negotiations and matrimony. PBR also notes that the absence of construction of reservoirs, dams, canals, weis and channels infers that the exisitng irrigation system was maintained to the peak of their efficiency, with the general prosperity of the period, the best evidence for this. This political and economical climate fo the times are best captured in the following startement;

"... the post- Manavamma kings are not credited with much achievement in the field of irrigation, their laissez-faire policy contributed in great measure to the proliferation of Sinhala hydraulic technology as a people's possession." (page 67)

 PBR also notes that the village democracies owed no obligation for thier genesis or existence to the king. He points out that the janapada system introduced by Mahasen, didn't become a destabilising factor, due to the pragmatism of Mogallana II, Aggabodhi I & II. The giant resoivoirs served primarily the purpose of storage, while  feeding the canals and channels of the village tanks ( while also serving the Janapadas). Overall there was a practical working balance between the tri-dimensional laissez-faire of the gamas, the sangha and the sena kings.

The Pallava connection saw that Lanka was more involved in regional politics. Pandyan king, Sri Mara srivallabha took possesion of the country when he invaded with the king, Sena I taking flight. However Sena's responses to the Pandu king pleased him, and he vacated the capital, handing over the country to his messengers. Incidentally this is the only reported instance of a ruling foreign monarch leading an invasion. Ironically Sri Mara Srivallabha succumbed to injuries fighting the Sinhala forces in Madhura ( capital of Pandya country ). The Sinhala general placed Sena II's nominee Varagunavarman II on the throne before departing.

The reference in Sastri is as follows:

"Sena (i.e. Sena II) sent an expedition into Madura kingdom at about the same time as the battle of Arisil and the invasion was a complete success. The capital was sacked, Srimara died of his wounds, and his son Varagunavarman II was enthroned in his place by the Sinhalese commander-in-chief"
( page 145)

What a study of their historical sources tell us of the Pandyans and Cholas, is the area  being focused on this chapter 8. He starts by focusing on the Pandyans. Although contemporaries of the Pallavas, they were insignificant till about the 8th century,  until archeological evidences, usually in the form of lithic recordings of grandiose prasasti surface begin to appear in the time of Maravarman Rajasinha I ( AC 730-765 ). It is possible that the Pandyans acquired their lithic skills from the Pallavas.  Inquiries has been made to the area of philology to glean and remedy the lacuna which prevents a continuous and consistent history. Historians have had to resort to a body of about 30000 lines of verse has been carefully schematised into two anthologies - titled as Ettuttogai and Pattupattu. These, supported by Tholkappiyam ( a work in grammar ) has been assiduously gleaned to build a historical period called the Sangam age. The lenience  afforded by this method had given room for conflicting speculation, inferences, comment, interpretation and theories, which has even undermined the careful labour of serious scholars. A residue of disjointed references, one of which is the mahavamsa, is treated  as the factual remains, from which  a history of this period is to be constructed.The earliest reference is that Vijaya sent an entourage to the king of Pandu in Mathura  to win over his daughter. However given that the Sinhalese wasn't outnumbered by the entourage from Mathura infers that they were from the same stock as Vijaya was - and Vijaya was from Kalinga. PBR ventures to say that in those formative days, that the name  Mathura may have originated from the name given to a newly established colony. This is a premise that needs further study, quite definitely. However PBR sees the Sinhala migrations as an overflow from the pockets of settlements in the subcontinent, and the location, one that was well suited for pearl fisheries has its significance in its choice as the first capital. In such light  PBK infers doubts whether Pandya was a Tamil country back then.  His argument is that most regions of the newly constructed India ( by the British ), have undergone considerable metamorphosis, and the Pandu Rata of Vijayan antiquity and that of Pandyan country of the 8th and 9th centuries are not the same, in the sense of an ethnic stock. PBR goes on to say that although historically the lineage of this latter day Pandyas can be traced to the 6th century. Yet, at the time it was the Pallavas who who were the stronger force, and if not for the Chalukyas of Vatapi ( Badami), the Pandyans mayn't have had an opportunity to grow into what they did. The continued in fighting between the Pandyans and the Pallavas ( with Lankan kings entering the foray as a stated earlier ),  led to a chance circumstance which enabled the Cholas to benefit. The role of Sinhala kings wasn't finished yet. Later on in the early 10th century, the Pandyan king Rajasimha II, sought assistance from Kassapa V when the Cholas over-ran the Pandyan country. But Parantaka I defeated the joint forces, with his assuming the title Maduraiyum Ilamum Konda ( conqueror of Madura and Sinhale ) - it is interesting to note that Ilamum is translated as Sinhale. The Pandyan-Sinhale joint effort against the Cholas hadn't seen the last - Pandya king sought refuge in Lanka during the time of Dappula IV. Although he soon left to Kerala, leaving his diadem and other valuables behind, it invited Parantaka to invade during the time of Udaya IV. The mission was unsuccesful, more so because a well times Rashtrkuta  invasion of Chola, allowed breathing space for the Pandyans to regain their country with Sinhalese help. The Cholas tried another invasion during the time of Mahinda IV, but the invading army was annihilated. ( Chapter 9 mentions an inscription of the king at Wessagiriya, citing the defeating of the enemy). With ups and downs the Cholas and Pandyas managed to sustain their territories until the attack of Malik Kafur in 1341 AC, which wiped them off the political map. However it is the Pallavas and the Kalabhras who fill the anterior centuries until the Sangam age.

The Sangam age suffers from the lack of dates and times. However from the reference to Gajabahu of Ilam gracing the newly built  in Vanji ( the Chera capital ), Senguttuvan is found to be a contemporary of the Sinhala king.This is based on a reference in the Silapidikaram. The regnal years of Gajabahu was 108-130 AC.

"This ( i.e. the Mahavamsa reference ) is the 'sheet anchor' on which rests the the dating of the putative Sangam age and its literature."  (page 77)

However, PBR casts doubts whether the reference herein is on Gajabahu I, or Gajabahu II (AC 1131- 1153 ) The latter's reign is closer to Nissankamalla, who has a reported visit to the Jambudvipa, with an inscription in Sinhalese in Rameswaram. Rajavaliya mentions a rather dramatic version of Gajabahu visiting Chola country, but the it is a comparatively recent work. Most scholars claim that Silapidaram is a work of the later period, PBR claims. Again, this is worthy of a comparative study with Sastri's exhaustive work.

Chapter 9:  This chapter is dedicated to a brief survey of the conquest, rule and expulsion of Sinhale.

Cholas were favoured feudatories under the Pallavas. They captured an opportune moment, after siding with the Pallavas against the Pandyans, to kill their overlad, Aparajita, overran the Pallava kingdom and captured part fo the Pandyan Kingdom, and reducing the Gangas to subjection. It was Aditya (871-907 AC ), who was instrumental in thus initiating a Chola foothold, in an enviorment where the Pallavas were dominant, and the Pandyans too, a force to reckon with.  The Cholas held parts of Lanka ( Rajarata ) during the reign of Rajendra I, along with Andhra, Karnataka - while holding sway over Pandya and Chera. The Chola reign reminds one of the days of the Mauryas, Guptas and the Delhi Sultanate. PBR points out that it is on their naval power that the Cholas befit their imperial status. The apprenticeship would've come during the time of their vassalage to the Pallavas, no doubt.

Chapter 10:This chapter discusses the time when Sinhale became Cholamandalam ( Cholas claimed the whole of Ilam - although the Mahavamsa says that the Cholas held sway over Rajarata as  far as Rakkhapasanakantha ). Sena V, son of Mahinda IV succeeded his father when he was just 12. By avenging Mahamalla ( senapati Sena's brother) over a clandestine relationship with his mother, he found the senapati turned a rebel. Sena had previously saved the nation twice. He set the Damilas on Sena V, with the king fleeing to Ruhuna. The Royal mother stayed behind and the capital was plundered by the Damilas, as Sena sent his forces to fight the king. The king's brother Mahinda V, succeeded him, but yet the plunder from the Kerala merceneries in the capital, and chaos in other areas due to Keralas, Kannatas and the Sinhalese as they caried on the government as  they pleased.  The Cholas invaded in this ideal setting for them. Mahinda V died in AC 1029, in captivity.

Then came a troubled era for the Sinhalese as no successor lived long enough to organize troops to free the nation from the Cholas, The Cholas held  the country for 77 years. Mahinda's son Kassapa, who was assumed as king under the name of Vikkamabahu, died through illness in 1034. Then followed a series of failed attempts as kingship, with non surviving long enough to make an impact. A scion of Manavamma, Kitti was consecrated as Vijayabahu in 1051 AC and he spent 19 of his 55 years as king in Ruhuna.

Chapter 11, goes back to the time of Kings Elara and Dutugemunu. He casts doubt on the term "damila" from the Chola country, as used in the Mahavamsa.  Yet there is no reference to an Elara in Damila literature. He stresses that further scrutiny is necessary of the assummed synonimity of Chola with Damila, just as Pandurata wasn't necessarily Damila country of Vijayan times. This doubt is further strengthned by the fact that there were five centuries of no threat  from the era of Valagamba to Dhatusena.

Chapter 12: starts off where chapter 11 finishes off,  dedicating the chapter to the era of Vijayabahu's efforts to expel the Cholas from the land. Rambukwelle notes that this liberation effort was largest of tis kind, in contrast to previous ones, given that the Cholas were on a high back in the mainland. He uses the term "super-king" to identify the effort that was exerted. He also studies why even after 77 years, the cholas weren't able to convert it to a civilan administration. The next chapter, questions the reasons why Vijayabahu didn't go  back to Anuradhapura and as to why compared to the 1649 year span Polonnaruwa last only 162 years. With the threat of possible chola attacks, it appears that Vijayabahu had to be  strategically prudent to bide his time at Polonnaruwa. PBR, also highlights that unlike with the previous instances, the sangha too was conspicious by their absence in the movement for liberation. More than the suffering that the order had suffered in the hands of the cholas, the sangha had ceased to be a political force afte three centuries under the sena kings. He comes back to the times beginning with Manavama, and  how "the curtain of isolation" had been lifted and it was exposed to the cross-currents of forces of the neighbourhood. Vijayabahu had to harvest the resentment of all the anti-chola forces in the neighbourhood, in his war of independence. Chapter 14 too continues in the same vein, especially the interncine warfare between Vikkamabahu, and Vijabahu's sister's three sons ( to a Pandyan prince), Manabharana, Kittisirimegha and Sirivallabha. These battles saw the order fleeing to the south with the relics of the Sacred Tooth and the alms-bowl, and most people of honour fleeing Polonnaruwa, no longer able to withstand the insecurity, and plunder. However, Parakramabahu I, who in a few years time became one of the greatest of kings in Sinhale, was the son of Manabharana.

Chapter 15 is dedicated to the path that Parakramabahu I followed, to this throne. Parakramabahu grew up with paternal uncle Kittisirimegha, upon his father, Manabharana's death.  PBR first explains how he reached Polonnaruwa during the reign of Gajabahu II, much to the chagrin of his uncle. PBR sees Gajabahu as the more astute leader, in the early career of Parakramabahu, as the former managed to curtail the ambitions of the former. However upon the death of Kittisirimegha, he became the ruler of Dakkhinadesa. His vision and pragmatism was demonstrated during this tenure. As a three-cornered battle was fast becoming inevitable, Parakramabahu geared up for war, with irrigation and agriculture serving as a base. PBR calls his secret weapon, being the monetary system that he adopted. A special mentioning is made of the attitude of the Malayarata, who although not faithful to their leader, Gajabahu, had a sense of ideological independence, which was an obstruction to Parakramabahu. Next he managed to win the Pearl banks from Gajabahu's control.  There was extended battles between Gajabahu, Manabharana Jr. ( the sone of Sirivallabha ) and Parakramabahu. Even after the death of Gajabahu, Manabharana still attempted his best to capture Polonnaruwa. After the defeat of  Manabharana, the battle continued for Ruhuna between Sugala ( his mother ) and Parakramabahu. PBR makes special menition of how each of the leaders had resouces to depend on, to fight proplonged battles. Although Manabharana's son, Kittisirimegha Jr. sided with Parakramabahu, the queen-mother Sugala organized her people and was determined not to yield the Ruhuna to Parakramabahu.

This leads us to the event over which PBR finds fault with Parakrmabahu. His response to Ruhuna's rebuff was a "Conquest of Ruhuna", resulting in a savagery, that resulted in the non-emergence of the customary fight back, at the next invasion - that of Kalingha Magha, in about three deades time. It initially began in his attempt to win over the Sacred tooth relic and the Sacred Alms bowl. The second stage was teh capture of queen Sugala, since it was proclaimed that she "is the cause of these people becming rebels abd has led them into our power." Next he had to stamp out revolt, of which the Mahavamsa boasts, "made the enemy as fuel of his majesty, he shortly freed the whole province from the briers." Given that it was a revolt, which involved "all the inhabitants of the provice", the scale and the subsequent loss could be imagined. PBR then queries as to why Ruhuna had such a hostility towards Parakramabahu ? PBR, conjectures that "a fundamental change of social structure was in the melting pot" as the warfare between the ruler and the ruled continued over a long period of time. He thinks that the balance between monarch, sangha and gamas was being disturbed. The militarism of Vijayabahu, had very little to do with the gamas and the sangha, and their historical importance had declined. The author connects it to the irrigation miracles which too he terms, "a booster resource from outside". The agricultural enterprise too became dependent and unable to stand on its own. "This outside source was trade." This had begun at the time of Manavamma, and the dependence of a tax collection based on agricultural produce was fast declining. The increase of issuance of coinage during the times of Vijabahu I onwards bears tesimony to the dependence on trade. Silk was a favourite export, and the practice of katina pinkamas practiced to date as cottage industry in Myanmar bears testimony, PBR says. Probably it is this trade, which made the run sustain itself not withstanding the incessant internal strife.

Chapter 17, focuses more on the "Conquest of the Rohana", especially with regards to the limited independence that the gahapatis of Ruhuna. Parakramabahu's main concern was that the merchant class residents came under his control.

Chapter 18 focuses on Parakramabahu's energetic effort in resoring Buddhism to its Anuradhapura  prestinity.  Gal Viharaya or Uttararama taken by itself is a master work at sculpture. It was not restircted to Polonnaruwa as many religious buildings were constructed in Dakkhinadesa and Mayarata. His declaration was that, his unification of the country was to reestablish the Buddha, Dhamma and Sangha. After upasampada was restored Ramanna during Vijayabahu's time, the sangha had withdrawn to obscurity. During Parakramabahu's era, he tried tried to clean the sasana from flase doctrine and uncrupolous bhikkus. Ganinnanse's it appears were common by that time, and it clarifies why the king offered lucrative positions to the undisciplined elements.

On chapter 19, we are shown the chakravarti like aspirations of Parakramabahu. He cites the punitive expedition of Ramanna or Lower Burma, as recorded in the Mahavamsa with some insight on the strength of his naval and merchant marine strength.  But the more popular of Parakramabahu's adventures was when he visited Madhura on the request of Parakramapandu, although the latter had been killed by the time the former's military commander, Lankapura reached Pandya country. After repeated defeats at the hands of Sinhala forces, Kulasekara finally triumphed, "and thus averted the conversion of the Pandyan country into a province of Ilam (Sinhale)", as told in Neelakanta Sastri's book. The battles between Cholas and the Pandyans continued until the Pandyan empire fell on to the hands of Malik Kafur, but not before the doom of the Chola kingdom at the hands of the Pandyans. The role that Sinhala nation played is tacit in the admission of the title Maduraiyum-Ilamum konda, vaunted by the Chola kings, leaving no doubt that the imperialist clash was between the Cholas and the Sinhalese, although being played on Pandyan grounds. Yet ultimately able kings like Jatavarmna Sundara Pandya and Maravarman Kulasekara, made the Pandya nation proud, by absorbing the Chola kingdom into their dominion.

Chapter 20 starts to discuss the anarchic confusion of 27 years and 14 leaders  after Parakramabahu, until the invasion of Kalingha Magha. Special mention is made of Nissankamalla, who ridiculed the govikula as "crows and jackas trying to imitate swans and lions", who had come down from Kalinga country to assume the kingship. He clearly stated that he was of the Okkaka Kalinga Chakravarti descent which gave the Sinhala race its first king. But as a king his feats could be compared with that of Parakrmabahu, despite the former's short reign of nine years. Similar to Parakramabahu, Nissankamalla too had been involved in the fighting between the Cholas and the Pandyas. There is even an inscription in Rameswaran, in Sinhala caliming to have exacted trbute from defeated kings. a devale named Nissankesvara and alms houses hint at the nature of power he has had, however transitory.

This was around the time, where the Chola kingdom became a tributory of the Pandtan country. Succesful attempts to restore freedom for them resulted in the Chola country being absorbed as a province of the Pandyan kingdom during the time of Maravarman Kulasekara ( 1268-1310 AC ). Round about the time the muslim avalanche desended upon the Northen parts of India, with the Southern parts too getting affected, Kalngha Magha came down and caused great havoc like the Mara. Mahavamsa's long desription is captured in the book.

The final chapter, 22, gives us a glimpse of how local Senapatis organized to win back the coutnry from the foerign invador. Subha from Yapahuwa, Buvanekabahu from Govindamala, Sankha from the district of Minipe on the mountain of Gangadoni - all towns created  in inaccessible forests and mountain tops - protected the resepctive provinces, the people and the order. A prince by the name of Vijayabahu, united these vanniralas and assumed the kingship as Vijayabahu III. However it was his successor Parakramabahu II, who drove out the Magha from Polonnaruwa after 19 years. An interesting point that PBR raises is who actually was Kalingha Magha ? What is the false faith that he employed forced proselytisation for ?  Brahmanical worship, Mahayanism or Tantiric esoterism cannot explain this proselytisation nor the book burning fervour.  And PBR, concludes the book, citing that this is still an open question.

How to Read a Poem - Terry Eagleton

How does one glean the most of  a poem ? Did the poet only have the obvious meaning in his mind when he wrote his verses ? How do I as the reader get as close to the sentiments of the poet as I possibly could ? Besides this, what are the theory of Literature, Technicalities (if you will )  involved in writing poetry ? This has been one of the nagging problems, I've experienced when reading poetry. It was obvious that I was not "getting it all", when I realised that I don't derive the same pleasure from reading Ilayappaaracchchi or Kodituwakku, as much as I do when reading Amarasekara or Athukorala. The only book on poetry I was aware of was Amarasekara's and I wanted to postpone it till I read a more objective account. Frankly I could depend only on someone like Ranaweera, for a somewhat balanced account on this regard, and as far as I am aware he didn't have a book on poetry. Hence it was with much interest, and haste that I started reading this book once becoming aware of its' presence. True I have to bridge the gap, if any, between the English Poem ( an art even more distant to me, than the Sinhala poem ) and the Sinhala one, but I thought I'll take that chance - besides  it might give me a better foundation, to appreciate English Poetry, I realised.


So how does one read Poetry, as per Eagleton ?

"Isn't it part of the very definition of poetry that absolutely nothing  is out of place, that no word is idle or superfluous, that every element conspires with every other to form an integrated whole ?"

 Setting out to speak about "The Functions of Criticism" on chapter One,  the author starts in a foreboding tone, as he finds fault with the present trend in criticism, which dives into content analysis, disposing the language like "a kind of disposable cellophane", disregarding that, that the very language used is "constitutive of its ideas". Here, Eagleton means language in all "its material density" - the language used, its tone,  the metre. Guiding us through a detailed historical journey from the age of Rhetoric ( when it was synonymous with persuasive speech and a good education ), to modern times, describing  what came to be known as literature -  the most "privileged species" of which was poetry- with the author keeping up his foreboding tone that "literary criticism is in danger of breaking faith with its origins in classical rhetoric". The author, draws a parallel between the death of experience ( death of man, as per post-structuralists ) with the deathliness, epitaph-like air of unchangeability in poetry. Yet in this decay of experience, radicals like Walter Benjamin, saw the germ of new birth. A whole new poetics was possible, with Eliot's Wasteland, showing modern life's' new set of experiences. In places, Eagleton shows his sense of humour in combination with what he wants to get across. For example, winding up the chapter pointing out the essence of Imagination so essential for critics, he says:

"Literary Critics live in a permanent state of dread - a fear that one day some minor clerk in a government office, idly turning over a document, will stumble upon the embarrassing truth that we are actually being paid for reading poems and novels. This would seem  as scandalous as being paid for sunbathing or having sex."

The most misleading thing about this book is its' title. The blunt title couldn't be further suited from the writing style that Mr. Eagleton has employed, in describing his chosen topic. He utilises chapter two, to formulate an answer for another blunt question - What is Poetry ? He starts with an all-inclusive safe, albeit minimalist answer and develops upon it. "A poem is a fictional, verbally inventive moral statement in which it is the author, rather than the .... word processor, who decides where the lines should end". He develops this to define poetry as a moral statement - meaning morality as being about behaviour in general and not good behaviour in particular. He draws relationship between poetry and fiction - meaning to "remove from its immediate empirical context and put it to wider uses". Yet he stresses that poetry is necessarily non-pragmatic, unless the area of its pragmatism is in the rising of emotions in the reader.  The chapter concludes by stressing on the role that Language per se plays in poetry (i.e. "poetry is writing which flaunts its material being rather than modestly effacing it before the Holy-of-Holies of meaning."). Yet for all the importance that the author stresses on the language, he finishes off the chapter saying that, "it is not a question of experiencing the word rather than the meaning, but of responding to both of them together, or of sensing some internal bond between the two."

Chapter three ( The Formalists ) is a very interesting one,  with the author dwelling extensively on how The Formalists look at poetry in particular. Starting with the analysis that Literariness infers  a self-conscious use of language, in contrast to a transparent one. Going further then, they identified that Formalism is the poetics of an alienated society ( "'Anaesthetic', which means 'unfeeling', is the opposite of 'aesthetic', a word which originally refers not to art but to sensation and perception ), and implied "that creativity is nowhere to be found in everyday language and experience." Eagleton focuses particular on the ideas of Yuri Lotman, who identified each of the formal aspect as a system, and poetry as an interplay between these system of systems. The Aesthetic effect then is result of conflict between these semi-autonomous systems. Eagleton doesn't conclude the chapter before he warns us of the incarnational fallacy. The incarnational fallacy revers  words as densely populated objects which actually contain the characteristic of the object they represent. These are the instances when Eagleton let's himself go on a tangent, trying to drive his point home, resulting in a lengthy discussion by itself. For example this fifteen page chapter devotes six pages to this "incarnational fallacy" - very interesting by itself upon reading, but almost not tangible and a difficult area to comprehend on a first reading. ( I did a googling of these two terms and all hits pointed to our good professor )

In The next chapter, "In pursuit of From", the author begins with the inseparable relationship between Form and Content, although they are different entities. It is stressed that although in daily life we see through the signifier, to take note of the signified, in poetry it is a combination at play. In fact it is not essential that they work in unison, Eagleton notes before beginning to explore the play between Form versus Content.

•  He highlights the child-like rhyme vs. the complex imagery of Blakes' Tyger. 
• Instances of elaborate form concealing  the lack of content ( 'A Refusal to Mourn the Death by fire,...- Dylan Thomas ),
• The form which suggests a sense of detachment from the content (Wasteland - T.S. Eliot), 
• The rapidity of heroic couples against an imagery that makes the linger on in each line ( Lamia - Keats ) and,
•  also how  heroic forms can be put to good use for distancing  feeling (Mary Montagus' The Small Pox). 

Next Eagleton demonstrate how Form can be used to transcend Content.

• The demonstration begins with  Shakespeare - on how the images randomly modulate across a wide range as Cleopatra laments' Anthony's death ; 
• on how Yeat's disproves the very tragedy he speaks of, in "Coole Park and Ballylee". 
• The author then captures Yeats, giving the impression of wandering off, after starting with a feel of a metaphysical theme, only to end up going after a rabbit ( The Man and the Echo ). 
• The author examples Yeats yet again, focusing on the rapidity and the expectation  in the young, of the tone,  in the first stanza of "sailing to Byzantium", whereas the supposed theme is the dying generation - an example of the form and content working against each other. 
• Derek Mahon's poem "A Disused Shed in Co. Wexford" is then shown as an example of how an analogy is used successfully ( a helpless set of mushrooms in a shed is being used to represent the unfortunate fate of  concentration camp victims. )

Still in the same chapter the poet offers a detailed insight on what is performative contradiction using examples from Auden, Eliot, John Donne etc. He illustrates this more extensively using Frost's "Stopping by Woods on a Snowy Evening". He explains how contrary to the content which speaks of the  mood to move on, even the very rhyme pattern suggests of taking a step back for every two steps forward.

Chapter Five of this book carries the title of this book. It begins by exploring as to how subjective Criticism, is. He points out that even in form, there are only a few objective aspects  that critics can agree on ( rhyme, metre,  and what it says literally), while the majority of the aspects are subjective. He takes as an example the poem "Porphyria's Lover"by Robert Browning, and coins the line "And yet God has not said a word!" - as to whether it was said in a scornful tone towards God,or whether it was in a tone of resentment.  The use of connotations in poetry, within margins of plausibility is discussed, before digging deep to explore the nuances of Tone, Mood and Pitch - the definitions of these are of import.
"Tone means a modulation of the voice expressing a particular mood or feeling....mood, which the dictionary defines as a state of mind or feeling... the pitch of a poetic voice, meaning whether it sounds high, low or middle-ranging." 

He shows us how enjambment as a device could be used to pace up verses (e.g. Shelly's Ode to the West Wind ). He defines texture of a poem as how it weaves various sounds into palpable patterns, the effect of sharp consonants in contrast to sibilant sounds. He uses such examples as Edward Thomas' "Old Man" and Yeats' "Coole Park and Ballylee", to portray the effect of  syntax and punctuation, and T.S. Eliots' "Whispers of Immortality" to demonstrate how grammar can function as a poetic device. Ambiguity, by nature of poetry being an important part of its' makeup, is reflected upon too. Examples to show this are Philip Larkin's Days, Shakespeare's 138th sonnet. Speaking of rhyme an important observation is made:

"Perhaps because modern life is felt to be somehow dissonant, a good many poets begin to abandon the use of rhyme as we enter the modern age," and goes on to show the use of para-rhymes, "words which almost chime in unison but don't quite", using Wilfed Owen's "Insensibility". A fine detail of contrast between Rhyme and Metre is next detailed:

"Metre is a regular pattern of stressed and unstresed syllables, whereas rhythm...means the irregular sway and flow of the verse, its ripplings and undulations as it follows the flexing of the speaking voice."

This all important chapter, is concluded by speaking a little about Imagery, and how similes and metaphors play a role there, and how thus, Imagery needn't infer a visual variety with regard to poetry.

This wonderful book ends with close critical analysis of "Four Nature Poems". The various ingredients that were explored are applied as appropriate in these four poems, to make this close reading exercise a success. Upon this exercise of close reading, the reader if patient cannot help but being awe struck by what these poems hold withing its verses. The two poems that most took my fancy (so much so that I now have a good mind to explore their other works) was Edward Thomas' Fifty Faggots and Wordworth's "The Solitary Reaper".

This then, is by no stretch of imagination a book to be "also" read, in spare time. This is a project or an exercise of application to glean the most out of. And  it is a book to be returned, into the very midst of the pages, once read from end to end, to recall some of the finer points of discovering how poetry work, and dwell on the nuances which are very likely to be missed by a less observant reader - the implication being that the practice of being observant when reading poetry is a lesson to be learned, taught by a fine, albeit by a florid teacher as Eagleton. To his credit it is unlikely that Eagleton has left any characteristic, trait or ingredient of poetry  "non-discussed". Yet it is not by a long shot,  "Poetry for Dummies", with a clear cut list of instructions on "How to Read Poetry". This is a journey, that the reader has to be patient enough, to make with her teacher, practice some, and return repeatedly to truly appreciate the Art. 

Finally, true, this is a book on English Poetry. And most of the techniques of form used in English Poetry are not used in Sinhalese Poetry, due to content analysis being given the centre stage. But this is not always the case. And understanding the nuances of tone etc. are important to read different poets. Already Illayappaarachchi seems to make more sense than he did a year or two ago. I could trace at least few tricks of form being used by Saumya Sandaruwan Liyanage.  This book is an eye opener to being sensitive to, the colour pallete at the disposal of a poet. Hence I feel, that while reading English poetry will be that much more a rewarding exercise now, than it ever was, I will possibly start discovering the nuances of our own poets, which  I was blind to, hitherto.